"Ame wall, and render assistance unavoida-
CONGRESSIONAL.
Corrcsfoitlcncc ofthc N. Y. Express.
I\IoNn.ur,. Feb. 28.
The Saturn adjourned this morning
without the transaction of any business.
The Housi-: not in sessioii,——all in honor of
Washingtonls Birth d_a‘y. _. .-.'.;
There rire‘_ru'inors that M
. ‘
‘ r. Pakenham
feels sori'i'e‘vt'ht'rt chagrined by the public
tfehujke he‘ has received from Sir ‘ Robert
I’e‘e‘l,- Lord Aberdeen, and Lord John Rus-
Iféi-‘ SOME 511.9’; but without authority,I
think, that be will resign and go lhome.—-
llf? lb‘-'.S,P'itches h_e has received from his
G0V¢l‘1iinent, it .is believed, “ill not lead
i0 any new proposition upon the Oregon
question, as no answer had been received
when the Cambria left, to the proposal to
submit the question to arbitration.
Our Government are also placed in the
possession of despatches from Mr. M’Lane.
do not learn. what they are, further than
they show a desire on the part of the Brit-
ish Government,‘ to settle the Oregon ques-
tion, speedily andamicably. Mr. McLane
in all his correspondence gives the most
perfect good faith to the declaration of
the British ministry that their wish, policy,
interests and hopes are for peace-peace
with all the world and particularly with
the United States.
The city is full of rumors to day, but a
few of which can be relied upon, or have
more authority than idle gossip. The
body politic, however, is in that agitated
state that sober minded‘ men catch at
straws. lsea no prospect of tranquility
until Congress adjourn, and I do not look
for that event, much before the Summer
is past. The Tariff will occupy a long,
an ry, and even a fierce discussion,as the
bil brought. forward by Mr. Walker looks
almost to a complete abandonment of
..- ..- _-..
1
could then proceed on the Resolutions,j
after they had assumed a definite shape.
He cofild not give his views until he knew;
what form the notice was to receive. He
wanted to come to that question. The
discussion, so far, had related to every
thingbnt the notice. - ’
Mr. Dayton,.disclaimed_ any purpose of
quailing or flinching, and contended that
a postponement would not give such an
appearance. The debate had grown stale ;
and, by waiting, some new light might.be
thrown on‘ the subject ;‘ and the discussion
would be’ resumed with more freshness.
Mr. Cass rose, he said, with a purpose
not to say a word'about “war,” or even to
use the word “inevitable,” except to dis-
claim the declaration that war is inevit
able. He would now say before the couri-
try, that no man in it was more sincerely
desirous of peace -than himself. We were
all for peace; but he did not believe that
any gentleman in this body was willing to
sacrifice the honor and interests of this
country to a dishonorable peace.
This great national question, ought
not to be considered in reference to any
speculations—in reference to any thing
that might be said on the other side oftlie
Atlantic. It was certainly, however, de-
sirable to know the state of opinion in
England on this subject; but we ought
not to postpone action on it till we hear
further from Great Britain.
He was greatly surprised at the remark
of the government organ, last Saturday,
that the intelligence by the Cambria was
peaceful; and still more at the basis of
the opinion,which was the Qiiecn’s speech.
Mr. Berricn, after some remarks, re-
quested lllr. Dayton to ‘withdraw his mo-
tion, which was done, for the purpose of
taking up the amendments.
Mr. Colquitt’s motion to amend Mr. Crit-
tcnden’s amendment was read. It embra-
American interests to England ; and, what
is worse, this complete surrender is for no
equivalent whatever. '
Tongan, Feb. ‘:4.
The Hotrsri, to day_,- tool: up the bill ma-
king appropriations for Rivers and Har-
bors, and soon became involved in several
local questions, which consumed the day.
In the SENATE, several Executive mes-
sages were received from the President,
which were not opened.
Mr. Breese presented a memorial of Mr.
Whitney, in relation to his contemplated
Rail Road from Lake Michigan to the Pa-
cific, which was referred to the Committee
on the Public Lands.
The subject of the adjustment of these
claims of our citizens for French spoila
tions, committed prior to 1800, continues
to receive some attention from the Senate.
At the last session a Bill for the adjust-
ces Mr. C,’_s proposition, and recommends
negotiation and compromise. -
Mr. Crittenden said hejwould probably
adopt the amendment as a modification.
He objected to Mr. Callioun’s motion to
take the ques'ion on the amendment. He
wished the discussion to proceed on the
whole subject.
Romulus M. Saunders, of N. C. was
confirmed, to day, ‘is Minister to Spain.
Among the other nominations confirmed
—-was that of Dennis Prieur, as Collector
of New Orleans; James T. Miller, Naval
Agent, Wilmington, N. C.; George ('cn-
ter,Coliec‘tor, St. Augustine; S. W. Spen-
cer, Collector at Apalachicola.
In the House, Mr. Holmes from the
Committee on Rules, reported it Rule pro-
viding that the question be taken on every
item of the Internal Improvement Bills.
The object of this amendment is to pre-
meat of_these claims was passed to the
third reading. That Bill appropriated five
millions of dollars to be issued in United
States stock, for the payment of the claims
pro rata. ’ . t
.It was resisted on its third reading by
Mr. McDuflie, in a_luminot_is and plausible
speech, which he never had an opportunity
to finish, andthe matter djfed with the ses-
sion. .
'The Bill now introduced, provides that
at Board be established toiascertain and re-
ortthe amount of these claims.
Mr. J. M. Clayton gave notice to day
that he would call up the Bill at the earli-
est practicable period.
The Bill from the House, regulating the
mileage of Senators, was brought in, and
some amusing conversation took place,
upon its disposition. The Senators are
not particularly well.-pleased at the inter-
ference of the House in their just perog-
atives, among which is their undoubted
right to put their own construction on the
mileage law, even should it operate in
their own favor. '
The Bill was finally‘ referred to the
Committee on _the Judiciary. '
Mr. Dickinson, of N. Y. spoke 2 hours
upon the subject of the Oregon Resolu-
tions. He ‘maintained the American title
to Oregon. He saw nothing in the late
news from England———neitlier in the tone of
the press, nor in the parliamentary de-
bates, nor even in the Queen’s speech-
which would justify us in altering our
course on the Oregon question.
VVhile Mr. D. was speaking on these
topics, Mr. Pakenham entered the cham-
ber and was engaged in conversation with
Col. Benton. Mr. Pakenham seemed to
give some attention to a series of remarks
made by Mr. Dickenson on the subject of
Mr. P.’s correspondence with Mr. Bu-
channan. Mr. D. complimented very
highly the ability and ingenuity displayed
by Mr. Pakenham. Adjt?lll'ߢd-
\VE¥!NESD.~{_Vi Fol» 95-
The SENATE ‘appears to‘ have come‘; 10. =1
crisis on the Oregon question; and, in-
stead of acting, they appcar.to "waver and
hesitate in their course.
Mr. Dickinson finished his speech about
two o’clock to day. _ .
Mr. Dayton then proposed, to. postpone
_ the further consideration of the subject
till Monday fortnight. He did this with a
tfieiv to meet, in a kindred spirit, the
amicable disposition shown by the British
government in relationto this question;
and, while such a spirit was manifested
on that side, hot haste did not become us.
But he suggested other reasons, the press-
~urc.of other important business, &c.
Mr. Allen would agree to postpone only
for the purpose of giving time to any Sen-
ator whodesired "preparation; but every
“circumstance, he thought, warned us not
'q§:_'g];ow any hesitation or faltering in our
goufsc. A postponement would be con-
,;de,.ed as u,a¢'l[ng before British power,
and Great , ritain would then drive us to
ble. All our hope of peace was in firm-
nessrand ‘steadiness.’ He differed entirely
from the honorable Senator ‘as ‘__to . the
,,e,‘cgful character of the late intelligence.
Great 3,.;,',;§n did not manifest her inten-
‘ ' press, nor in the speech-
tions.throiigh thé
cs ,of,m,inist,er,s. . .
I-I10 Sen-
vent log rolling.
'l'he debate on the River and Harbor
Bill was continued. Adjourned.
OREGON DEBATE IN THE SENATE.
'I‘iiuasn.u', Feb. 25‘.
In the SENATE on Thursday the Oregon
Question came up as the Special Order. The
Joint Resolution of the Committee on Foreign
Relationaproposing to give. Notice to Great
Britain of the intention of this Government to
annul the Treaty for the Joint Occupation of
the Oregon Ter'ritory, and the Resolutions of
Messrs. IIANNEGAN, CALHOUN, and Cai'r'rr::.'-
DEN, having relation to the same subject, were
all alluded to in the course of the debate. Mr.
CRITTENDEN, to whom an appeal had been
niado to accept the Resolutions of Mr. CoL-
QUITT instead of his own, declined doing so,
though not without evident reluctance. After
some time had been spent in considering which
of the various propositions have precedence, a
debate sprung up on the main question. \Ve
give brief extracts from some of the most im-
portant speakers. '
Mr. Cai'r'ri:xni;N counseled moderation and
forbearance. Those who conducted the foreign
relations of the Government were personally
responsible to the nation for the right exercise
of the weighty power which had been eiitrustetl
to their hands. The eyes of all Cliristendom
were fastened upon ‘them, and every civilized
nation on the earth would hold them to the re-
sponsibilities of peace or war.
Mr. C. could not forbcar to express his regret
that the rejection by the Executive department
of the ofliersof arbitration had been placed on
the ground set forth in the diplomatic corres-
pondence. He had no wish improperly to in-
terfere with those whose province it was to con-
duct the forcignaffairs of the couiiti-y, but he
could not conceive what right we had to place
ourselves in this respect above all who had gone
before us, and above all other nations of" the
world, by declaring that our disputes nevei'
should be submitted to arbitration—tliat, 1iow-
ever, other nations might agree to settle their
differences, we never would condesccnd to make
an umpire of anybody, and that the rights of
boundary were not in themselves :1 fit subject
for arbitration.
This doctrine was pure iiit.ei'polatiou into the
code of internationfil law—a code on which all
jbe world had agreed, and which we, as one of
am nations of the world, had adopted. The
choice of an arbitrator was another matter; we
might. 1-oj}_;ct in that capacity the proposal of any
crowned head. Crowned lieads, thank God,
were not always the wisest and the best in this
World ; but there were other modes of ai'bit.ra-
tion and other more suitable arbitrators. There
were men who were born private citizens, and
"05 PTl"C95a W110. by their wisdom, their know-
ledge, their experience, and their personal vir-
tue, were fitted to be a judging power whose
decision no nation need be ashamed to submit
to. \Vliy not refer the settlement; of this con-
stroverted question to such a tribunal? To do
so, instead of degrading us, would, in his esti-
mation, be one of the noblest tributes that could
ever be offered to the wisdom and excellence of
republican institutions. For a great and power-
ful nation voluntarily to submit a great question,
touching its rights and interests, to an assem-
blage of private citizens thus virtuous and wise,
would present aspectacle glorious to behold.—
It would b_e to present to the world convincing
evidence of the moral progress and intellectual
elevation of the age. _ ‘It would stamp upon the
present century a character as wonderful for its
advances and improvements in political wisdom,
as fpr its inventions in the mechanic arts, and its
achievements in chiiining the discoveries of sci-
8ll{_3_B t0 the car ofsocial and Vhnpjfi-
0955- S_llC1l_!1 triumph of moderation over pas-
SIDD» Of-' jllslicc over pride. and of the glory of
Mr. Calhoun proposcdfthat, as _
etc was now full,‘ they should pl‘-006814 .
vote on the amendments. The discussion‘ rm.
reason over the brutality_ ofmseijcphysicai force,
‘-Qrprocecding from Republi(_an .l_i;md9',w;,u1d do
"3 ft); lilo moral power andintluonce of this '
\
‘ii? rm’
...I..J‘ "-
liaii the acquisition of every incliofi
country t _ _ _
'l‘li.'-it would raise our reputation in the l
Oregonfl
estimation of - all the good and wise; it; would,judg
.-- _.- . ._.__. .-_..__ -.._. ..ie_...
those of my friend from Michigan, [Mii. Cass.]
I say for one; that in my opinion, it is not the
merit of this _count:ry-——it: is not the judgment
obtain us a revenue of national _lionor-—that; i ofthc Seuttte—th=lt tl1e'Government. of the Uni-
brightest jewel in a na tion’s tt'easui'y-‘——aud would ',
augment our real power among the civilized,
often times the disputed territory.
Mr. \Vr;ns'rr:a said that he most cordially
concurred in the sentiment; so beautifully ex-
pressed by the honorable Senator‘ who had just
taken his seat. He did not differ from him a.
hair's bretidtli in the" principles lie"l1ad laid I
down. *' * I shall vote, said lie, for both
portions of the ainciidincnt. suggested by the
Senator from Georgia, (Hr. Colquitt.) I am
prepared to do so. "*5 * * _\Vithout meaning
at this time to go into any sort of examination
of the course of the Executive in this niattcr, or
indulging in any remark expressive of an uti-
frieiidly feeling toward the Administration, 0l'_
any dispo;-ition to eiiibti1'i'iiss the Govci'iiincnt—
for I fccl_1iotl1ii.ig of the kind, and nothing is
fartlicr from my. intention——I must still be pci'- '
iiiittcd to say that the existing posture of affairs '
is such as to render it quite desirable that we‘
should know what is the opinion of the Execu-
tive in regard to this measure and its conse- .
qucnce. Nobody doubts that the two Houses
of Congress have a perfect autliority to termi-
nate the Oregon Convention, without; offence to
any body, because this is our specified right, and
its exercise can present no just cause of coin-
plaiut in any quarter. But, though this isaii
uiidoubtt-d position, yet it must be considered in
connection with the circutiistaiiccs which have
been made to :sui'i'ound it. The resolution of
notice has passed the other House of Congress
with a qualification, which changes it in some
respects from bcingia -mere naked notice of ter-
miiiatioii. The resolution, thus qualified from
being a resolution of naked notice" to one with
conditions, comes here, and here other proposi-
tions are ofi'ci‘cd; and they are ciitemiiiictl-.~—
thus far at least—so far as to be C0llSi(lC1'C(l quite
in order, and fit: subjects for considemtion. I
believe it is the sentiinciit of a large maioi'ity——
of the Senate, that some qualification should ac-
company tliis—not:ice. Still I really think, that
in this state of things we have it right to know
In what point of view the Executive (iovcriiincnt
regards this notice, or ratlicr what are the ends
and consequences to which, in the judgment; of
the Executive, the giving of this notice will tend.
\Vhcn I had the honor of adclressing the Senate
on this subject a month or six weeks ago, I said
———\vlint appears to iue equally true no\v—tlizit
the governinciit of the United Statcs—tliat the
President of the United Statcs——ctiiinot expect
war. He does not act like the chief iriagistrtite
of a great. nation expecting that the country may
be soon invaded. He does not act like ti man
charged with the defence of the country at it
moment when it. is in danger of being assailed
by the most formidable enemy on eai't.h. There
is nothing in his recommendations to the other
House, nor to this, indicative of such an expec-
tation. There is nothing of preparation for de-
fence indictitiiig that the l’i'csident expects war.
\Vcll, then, he can expect nothing but a contin-
uance of this dispute or its settlement by nego-
tiatioii.— I am bound to suppose that he expects
its settlement by negotiation. \Vliat tcriiis of
negotiation? \Vliat basis of negotiation? \Vliat
grounds of ncgotiatioii? Every thing we hear
from the Executive Dcpartincnt is “the whole
01‘ none ;” and yet negotiation! Sir, it is in
vain to conceal from ourselves, from the cpuntry,
or from the world, the gross inconsistency of
this‘ course of conduct. It is the spirit of that
correspoiidernce to which my lionorable friend
has already alluded, that the whole of Oregon
is ours, and that nothing can be done which ud-
inits the existence of a doubt: as to our right to
the whole, or the possibility of a right existing
in another; and yet we are to negotiate ‘I Pray.
what is negotiation? Does the Adininistration
except that by negotiation it can persuade the
British Goveriiinent to surrender the whole
teri'itoi'y to us I Is that its expectation? It may
do that. I cannot say it will not. If that's the
disposition bfour Government, or the expectation
of our Government, why, then of coui'se,'it
will try its hand at it. I wish it success ! -That
is to say, I wish the country could be rid of the
dispute. Take the whole of Oregon if you
can get it, but, at all events. settle the question
between the two countries fairly and reasonably.
But I say I do not understand the position in
which the Executive Goveriiineut; has placed
itself——in fiivor of negotiation all the time, btit
all the time refusing to take any thing less than
the whole! \Vliat consideration——what com-
prom'ise——\vliat basis——wliut grounds, therefore,
for negotiation? If the Government of the U.
States has made up its mind—-I speak of the
Executive Governineut——tl1at, so far as it is con-
cerned, it will not treat for any thing less than
the whole of Oregon, then it should say so, and
throw itself on the two Houses of Congress, and
on the country. I should say so. 1 am entitled
to make these remarks, which I mean in no
disrespectful spirit to anybody, because it can-
not be denied that the effect of this notice is
very difl'ei'eiitly viewed by intelligent gentlemen,
all friends of the Administration on the floor of
this Senate. The gentleman from Georgia,
whose proposition is now thus informally before
us, regards the notice as leading to pcacc—ex-
pects peace from it-—liopes peace from it—dc-
sires to express such opinions as shall enable
the Adniiiiistration, in the conduct of its negoti-
atioiis, to arrive at peace. Still, it is quite cer-
tain that other gentlemen, and amongst the rest
iny_ distinguislied friend from Michigan, [Mix
Cass,] are much less ardent in their hopes of
peace flowing from the notice. "" "“ * The
gentleman is of the opinion that we will not re-
cedc. and that England will not; give up the
whole; and what, then, is more natural thiin—-
not to use the rejected term, that war is very
likely to happen? I confess the argument of
the honorable gentlemen, more than his partic-
ular expression, led me to entertain the idea
which 1 do entertain of his opinion. To be sure,
I do not mean to charge him with saying that
‘war is inevitable.’
my ears ever since, and so I was constantly
obliged tokecp up it comparison with that mem-
orable saying with which a Seiiator of old was
accustomed to end his speeclics—C¢zrthag'o est
dclcmlo. But what I have to say is merely to
judgment on this subject, vvliencver I can do so
without einbarmssitig the Administration. If
negotiation be pending, I wish to hold my tongue,
It shall be blistered before I would say anything
derogatory to the title of the United States
whilst the Government of the United States was
engaged in negotiating for that t.crritoi'y on the
strcngtll of our title. Gentlemen see tlie' cin-
barrassment in which we stand. I will aid the
Atlmiiiistziution in all honorable efforts to obtain
all that belongs to us, and all that we can right.-
tully and honorably acquire, with all my heart
---with all my heart. But then I must know
50"19Ti1ing- Certainly, inasmuch as I am it citi-
zen of the country, I claim a right, and notliing
m01'_9s t0_lm0W something of the views, purposes,
°XP9‘?t8t‘0DS. and objects of the Administration.
I Ci"m0l3 1'9-coiicile myself to be much longer
kellt in '1 P°Si31{l‘e‘ of things in which no prepar-
.€!.fi0.Yl_S are Iliad‘? to defend the couutry—--in_ whicli ‘
negotiation is hold out everyday as" that course
of prpceeding which is expe'ct,ed*t_o hriiig the '
question to ii. settlement, and’ to settle the ques-
tion by giving us the whole matter in.dispute.
But; what he said rung iii:
repeat; that I am desirous of expressing my‘
,would be glad to see this question’ settled by no-
NGW 111)’ d°‘1bi5“fi?9lh<_9l' We 6V8!‘ tti_rt'iv'e at thug their country,~would‘be fouiid rallying round «it;
conclusion are quite as deep and as strong as in the’ line of battle, in the front rank, and the
ted"Stat;e1s should run the hazard of a war. for
Oi-e‘gon,'by renouricing as no longer fit for éou-
population of the globe more than the acquisition I sideration, the proposition of adjustment made by ‘ M M R_ pcgmllou 1.,-is spe,_.ch_
this Government 30 years ago,and repcatcdiii the
face of the world. I do not: say any specific pro-
position, but I say the general proposition, the
general idea, flint general plan ofseparziting the
interests of those ivlio live beyond the Rocky
Mountains, in the tl])pl'0pl'lflle laiigutige used the
other day by the iiiciiiber from Mo. [l\'Il‘. Ben-
tun.] In my opinion it is not the judgiiiciit. ofthis
couiit;i'y that, at the hazard of war, we shall now
reject as no lrmgcr proper for our considcratioii,
propositions made and repeated tliii'ty—t\vcnty
years ago. ‘I doiiot believe that that, is the
judgincnt of the Senate. I have the fullest bo-
lief that the proposition of the lionorablc Scinitur
i
l
I
I
I
.
u
l
ifroiii (}ct)i'giti now mi your table, coin-.iii's with
the sctitiinciits of it large and (lccitlcd iiizijoriiy
of the Senate; that’s my judgiiiciit. [A Son-
utor, “two-tliii'tls."l A gentleman near me says
two-tliii'd:< of the Senate. I caiinot say how
that ina_v be; but I say my bclicfis, that the uti-
cquivocaljudgment oftlic Senate as I have
1'cpi'esciited it; and I am willing to try it; this
day, this hour, this iuinutc. Tli:tti'esolution ex-
presses the gcucrnl propriety of settling this
question by adjustineut and coinproiiiisc. Coin-
promise Icaii undcrstand—coiiiproniisc I can
coiiiprelici.-d. But with negotiation, with a ros-
olutioii to take and not to givc—negotiation,with
urosolution nutlo settle, unless we obtain the
vvliole, is wliat. I do not compi'eliciid iiicliploiiia:
cy or intitters ofgovci'uinciit_. I wisli, tliei'e-
forc, we could get this iiiuttei"i'csolvcd into def-
fiiiitc form, not because I attach any special iiii-g
'poi'tai'icc to any iinmediate expression of an
opinion mci'cl_v. '\\'c have every week an op-
portuiiit_v of stiyiiig what, in a week, almost will
be known all over the world. lut I wish to
put an end to this annoying and disti'act.iiigstatc
of things which now exists in the couiiti'_v. The
present. condition of this question is productive
of the most serious eXlll)fl1‘l'flSSln(3nt. It is pro-
posed to reiiiotlel the 'I‘ai°itf. How? To aug-
iiiciit duties or to reduce duties? Ifto rcduce—
is it in the coiilirinctl hope of peace I lfto aug-
mcnt.—is it in piwispctzt 0fWtl.l‘? I want to know
how any gct'itlc.i'naii in citlier House ofC7oiigi'css
i'cvcniic,- until he know whctlier we -.ii'cto have
scttlctlpcacc, orwlictliei‘ we are very neat‘ to
an out break with a powerful 1301';-:igii Stale ?——
And if we look into private affairs, the evil is
equally pressiiig. Look at‘. the clihct on oiiriiri-
mensc coii'iinci‘cc. It is easy for gciitlciiicii to
greater consequence than the iiatioiial cuinmercc.
So do I. If the honor of the country be assail-
ed, then, to use the language ofa geiitleinzm in
the other House some years ago, “l’ei'i.~:li Coni-
merce !" But; those are not iiitercsts with
which you can trifle. Surely the Aiiicricaii
ships that cover the ocean—tlie whole sea board
—thc great interest coniiexctcd with private life,
and every iuuii’s daily business and daily lu'c:id
are not to be triflcd with by diplomatic forms,
by the pursuit: of objects not connected with tho
siibsttiritial iiiteresrs oftlic country? Those are
the reasons why I desire an opportunity, as soon
as might be convenient, of expressing an opin-
ion-—if' we are to express any opinion at all-—
and to hear what weight ottliers might please to
give‘ it. If it be thought better not to express
an opinion, then let all amciidments be with-
drawn, aud let the question of naked notice be
put. Let usmcct. that. That will throw the
responsibility solely on the Executive Govern-
thc power it: holds to the fullest extent. I am
either for taking the question on the direct res-
olution for notice, or I am for taking it; in some
form’---if we express any opinion at all---tlnit
shall express the opinion I have intimated, and
which I believe to be according to the judgment
of the country and the judgment of the Senate.
Mn. Cor,QUi'r"i'.---On a former occasion I
stated to the Senate that I intended to go in fat-
vor of giving the Notice; that I wou_ld go for it
in any shape in which it had been picseiitorl;
but I have thought it advisable to presciit an
amendment, the second part of \vliicliisinse'_rtotl
for the purpose of eliciting and 8.SCP.I'ft1lIlll]_£;i\\‘ll€lI
is the feeling ofthis body in rtigard to ncgo‘tia-
iton. According to tliospeeclics of gentleincii
views of government on the matter, the Execu-
and if there be a majority in the Senate to sits-
tnin those views, and prepared to say that they
will not give up one inch ofOt'cgou, if is time
the couriti'_v should iintlefrstaiid it, that they niav
be prepared to meet all the results. I szfy it. is
idle to talk of iiegotziutioii, if in the same breiitli
we say we must have every inch of Oregon. The
question is this: Are our rights in that territo-
ry so fixed and cstablislied by municipal or inter-
national, or any other law, that. they cannot be a
subject for negotiation. That is the question,
and it would notihavc been necessary for me to
advert to it now but for the SE‘.lll-ltllellis expressed
here so often, that it. would be dishonorable to
make any treaty O1‘ coinp1'omise with the Brit..-
isli goveruineut. giving up one inch of Oregon.
I do not propose to enter upon this topic; I will
draw no line, nor dcfiuc any boundary in Orc-
gou. I will leave that to those whose duty it. is
to negotiate upon it, and settle it as they think
proper. \Vitl1 them I leave it, only desiring to
say this much--.t.l1at as it has been the subject
of negotiation for many years between the two
Govcrnincnts, and on the part of ours, coiiductcd
by some of the best and wisest men the coun-
try ever pi'oduccd—--who had some nerve, too---
inen whom the people delighted tol1onoi',\vliosc_
courage and patriotism were never doubted,
but who submitted to negotiation tliese disputed
boundaries---I tell the Senator from Illinois that
I am willing to go with him and with the Exec-
utive, stcp by step , in preserving our national
honor; but I wish to ascertain wlietlier it is the
sentiment of Congress that they are \\'lllill'T to
give up nothing of 54 40 ! \Ve are boun to
be prepared for the altei'nativc that may pre-
sent itsclf. Ifwe are resolved to iicgotinte for
iiotliing but that, then we ought to be prepared
to figlit---we ought to make pi'epai*ation for war,
no matter what; may be the result. I dcsireon
the present occasion, iiotliirig more than to pre-
sent that issue, and ascertain whether it is this
sense of the Senate that this Government. would
not be dishonored if it compromised. I wish to
treat Great Britain by the same rules as I am
willing to submit to myself. I do not think some
people are half so brave as they wish the world
to understand-. Some men act I think from pas-
sion, otlicrs from calculation. My calculation
is this; I do not like difliculty more than you;
I think when people are put. to the test; they
have about an equal wish for it. Ialways found
that men,wlio were the reatliest. to breed trouble
and difiiculty were the least willing to defend
themselves, and generally got whipped. It is
no great evidence of our courage for us to keep
talking here abouglit lighting for no particular
interest. I do not. desire to see it put upon this
issue, that a man has or has not got nerve in
proportion to the manner he talks it in the Sea-
ate. , I have no doubt there are many men who
l
I
gotiation and compromise---and brave men;---
and I have no doubt: many patriotic, men, who. if
they foundit did- not;_ t-ertninate honorably for
__........._..-. ...
- nioinciit has never been presented in Coiig1'css,.
;IllC forin of an ameiidiuctit to the l‘0SlJlt1t';()ll.,
i Sir, I hold it iinportaiit. that they should respond. , 35 0
i It is necessary to know the sense of this body, ' at B0
E in order to guide our future lc;,risl:.t'oir.
lniczui lo niaintaiii our title by force of arms, lci Currency as’ reliable and bcneficent ‘as n
I
can act iiitclligciitly on such a subject as that of
stiytliat. they i'eg.'ii'tl the national honor as of
meat, making it aiiswerablc for the exercise of
who inay be considered to know most about the ,
tive is opposed to negotiation as disl1onorablc;.
‘tions on the \Vcst Coast of Africa, under
_, .__ _....... -._ _
,_ ,,_,_. .__.U-.._.__.. _..__ -— ;i-— -
last turn their backs on the common foo.
The debate liere assumed a conversationali
character between Messrs. COLQUITT and Ar.-‘
Li-:N which we are, on account of ou1°limitS.0bli-'
god to omit, in voitler to give the reader a gluncci
Mr. C_ALi_ioUN_rosc and said---It. is very obvi-
ous that fhogrcat question involved in this inat-
tcr is‘ this: can tl'i‘o' controversy between us I
and Great Britaiii be settled by iiegotiation and‘
i
-g._-and
-..——_._.V....,.,...
From the New York Tribune.-
TARIFF PROSPECTS.
That the whole power of ‘the Adminis-
tration will be exerted to break down -the
Protective Pclicy is manifest ;" that its_cf-
forts will beaidcd by recent..¢l.t3,lfe,l0pm£:nil
in Great Britain is equally ‘true’; but that
those efforts will succeed, with allvtheir‘
adventitious aids, is not yet certa‘in_.-_ ‘One
great’ impediment. t.lierct_o is -general
coiiiproinise ?---or is it to be settled by an asser- , and spontaneous c’oii\'icti(iii of bur‘ People‘
tioii ofour ijiglits _I:o the entire terriioi'_v, mid au;___,},e g,.(,,,t mass “ho me bug occa’;jona|]y
appeal to units? ‘VlltiIL‘.\'t‘.l' doubts have here-
toforc cxisted upon this point, llll3l'(t can be none
after the rlcclai-aiiou of to-day, that this is the
real question involved. A question of greater
froin the diiys of the Rcvolutioii to the pi'csont.',
- Sir, I hold it ciniiiciifly (lCSll‘tll)le that the Sen-j
ate should make an expression of tlicir opinion
upon this iiiiportzint imitter. I cuiinot believe",
that there is tl single Senator who has not made
up his mind l!]T01l it, or who can licsittite to re-
poiid you or nay, when the question is put in
i
2
|
I
l f we
tus bcgiii, let us lay aside all other things; and
j let me say. if gcntlcnicri do not begin with tho‘
I necessary mczisurc before involviiig the country?
i in ti war, you are most likely to be discoinfitctl ;-
! and forcinost among those iiiiportaiit l'r1(3.’tSlll‘(3S
j2ll'_C t.lio_sc relating to your liimiiccs. Sit‘, I hold
1
lthe count. _v. They know not what to do, nor
The pi-opci_'t_v of thousands has been perilcd,
'5 there ought to be an end to this state of cxc'.tt-.-
\Vitli duo deference to the Executive,
l and without. intending the sligl'itcsr._disrespect, l
I must say I gi'em‘l_v regret that it has been left
' it to be iiiiportaiir, and I speak without liesita-
rim: on this point, that. it should be passed this
I .
lis clcsirable in my opinion that it should rear-li
‘the other side of the Atluiitic as spcedil_v as
, Sir-, I bclir-.vo from the bcgiuiiing of the sets’-
‘sion that the great question of peace and ‘war
i_voui‘ \\’lS(lUlll, and your })tll'l’l()li$lll, and I trust
! as will quiet the feat’ ofiiiillioiis oti both sides
,nt'rlic Atlantic. Sir, I cntcrtain thcinost cour-
l Illiiiois, and I would indulge him the time
jlic rcqiiirt-s, if I could (20fl.$'l.<l(‘.llll_\_’ with my du-
l¢lifi'ci'orit-is in lllGl't} plii'ascolo,i_:_v can be of little
‘ iiscquciicc, so fiir as great questions are con-
ccrncd; as it. is not proposed, I prcsiiine, to go
fatlicr than to try the sense ofthc Sciiato upoii
will have an oppoi'tunit_v to express his views to
wliatcvcr extent lie. wislics.
' it to bc dcsiinblc.-to guide the business inch of
'!htivc tlicy known for the last three. months.——
land inillious upon millions liavc been lost. Sir,
i merit.
l in the state of ui‘icci'taiiity it has. Sir, I dc-cm
,\'(!l‘_V «lay; liccuiisc, \\'llttI(’.V(‘.1' our decision is, it
: possible.
i depends upon this body; upon your gravity,
,thtit such it l:CS]')()ll.SO will be given (Iris '1.'(,’I'.1/(f(l.I/
_ tcous feelings towtii-ds tlic Sc_n:iroi'
And let. me say to the Stflllltol’ tlitita slight
. on
this niiiendiiiciit iii. this time, and here after he
The debate was cmittiiiued by Messrs. I‘I.-\.\'-
mzcaix‘, Joiixsox of Mtirylaiid, Ai.i.i::~', CASS,
and others, but our limits compel us to stop
here. The Senate, without taking any ques-
tion, adjoiiitned till Monday by :1 vote of '28 to
'24. lllr. Brccse has the floor.
The Irlousi-:_\vas engaged with the River and
IIni'boi‘ Appropriatioii Bill.
7/ie .’lIonsler ]3rcwery.—B:ircltiy’s ccle
brated Brewery, in London, covers an area
of fifteen acres. It contains conduits half
a mile in length, railroads, hoppers, steam
engines, &c , enough to confuse one. One
hundred and eighty seven horses, each
worth $300, are constantly employed.—
One copper boiler will contain 4,200 bar-
rcls of beer. fliirty tons ofcoal are con-
sumed daily. Tlic malt bins will contain
1,600,000 bushels, worth $2,.")00,000.—
Fifteen liundrcd barrels ofaie are made
every day, and sixty cats are..kept to de-
stroy mice. This est_ublislin'icnt docs vast
ly more to deprive the inhabitants of"Gt.
Britain and Ireland of food, than “short
icrops,”~ yet we hear much less complained
about it.
John Jacob .fl.stor.—Tlie following is
given as the estimaae of Mr. Astor’s im-
mense wealth, in a book of the “Rich
Men of New York.” It says, “that those
knowing hisaffaiis best, place it at $30,
'000,000,a'nd some as high even as $90,000,
000. His income on a moderate estimate,
must be $2,000,000 :1 year, or $106,000 a
month ; which is about $41,500 a week ;
$5,760 a clay, $240 an hour, and $4 a
minute. Mr. Astor has made a donation
of $350,000 for a library in New York,
the interest of which is to be expended in
employing agents to purchase books and
in the erection of a building.
lI’c¢l.'2'ng of a ll’/iite Jllan to It ./\"cgro
quite a stir recently in New Orleans, in
consequence ofa marriage of a white man
named Buddington, a Teller in the Canal
Bank, to the negro daughter of one of the
wealthiest merchants. Buddington, be-
fore he could be married, was obliged to
swear that he had negro blood in his
veins, and to do this he made an incision
in his arm and put some of her blood in
the cut. The ceremony was accordingly
performed, and the bridegroom has re-
ceivcd with his wife a fortune of fifty or
sixty tlioustind dollars. The natives scre-
iiatlcd him w'th such abominab_le- music,
,lllttl togct rid oftlicir. discord,. he paid
ttbcm $400 to be used for charitable pur-
§ poses. ,, ‘
j T/ze .7lI't'.s‘.s-ion SI: 1'}; l'l—a'rren. receiitly sail-
jed from Liverpool, provided with every
ithing that human forethought could stig-
gest, for establisliing Missionary opera-
the auspices of the Free Churc_h of Scot-
land’s Society. Four of the Missionaries
who sailed in the lVarren are colored per-
sons, wlioseconstitutions may be expected
to endure he climate. The use of the
ship is the gift of an opulent Liverpool
merchant. '
/
The Ific/imond-If-’1"(-z‘gc'c1_:/.——lt_is currently
reported in Washitigton, and litttle doubt
from ,
Lady in. .New 0rlctms.—-There has been .
exists, that J. H. Pleasants (not his son,)
was mortally wounded in the rccontre with
young Ritchie. It appears the parties
agreed to start 100 yards apart and meet
with pistols, knives, &c. Ritchie is said,
to liav_e_ fired six-times-, and Pleasantsfour
mes, after” wli ijtjheyi dreiv.-*_ -k-,ii_iv_es,g or
S“'.0..P.tlS canes... Ritghi-e: escaped with oiily
a scratch. ..
V up a position.
land partially drawn into the absorbing
-whirl of-Politics—-—that we are well as we
are, and are not likely to improve our co___n_-
diiiou by a radical change in our Commer-
cial .md‘i...tu.m..i Politics. All do know
—eveu the Speeches of the enemies of
Protection in Congress pi‘( clainrthe fact
—that the Country is now ei'ijoying,‘and
has for some time enjoyed, a-more than
average prospBrity——that its Labor isiis
generally employed and fairly rewarded
t almost any former period, its Capital
loss for advantageous investment, its
Credit sound, its Revenue ample, and its
Cu:renc.y so constituted iahkely ever to
All Lnow that the Country has mov-
ed rapidly forward for two yearspast-—
that its actual Wealtli has been increased
by__the erection of liouses,_mi_lls, factories,
56¢. the clearing away of, F_oi'ests.and the
,iinprovement of,Lands,an_d that its capac-
filv ofiproduction has lllCl‘(.’llS(‘(l in propor-
‘,uZm, and is still rapidly increasing. The
,now probable rcvolutionin ‘British Policy
‘gi‘\“c’s‘ us at length a chance for 'fnir'u'ntl
gcqual trade wi li Great Britain if on our
{part we simply ‘let well alone.’ Always
ihithcrto the advantage has been largely
gin her favor. Now let lit 1' take front us
iso much Cotton, Grain, Wheat, &c., as-she
,w:iiits, and we will buy of her in turn what-
{ever she produces and we cannot readily.
‘trade with her Colonies, we will largely
=cxtend our intercourse with them; but if
it mean only that we may be allowed to
ship Food as well as Cotton to G. Britain
alone, let us accept the change and make
the best of it without putting faith in any
more of her professions than are justified
by her acts. If the coiiversi«on of Peel to
Free Trade be sincere and thorough, he
will not confine its operation to a twen-
tieth part of the British dcminions, but ex-
tend it to the" wliole. _
We do_ not antic-i‘pat'e such blessings
from the new Brltliell policy as do many."
We do not think Indian Corn, -for example,
‘will be likely to eoiinnantl in the average
one dollar per bushel in Great Britain in
any considerable quantities, and at that
rate it will not b. ar exporting unless
sclieapcr with us than at present. ‘We do
not believe that the frccst trade in Vllheat
with Cieat Britain can, in the absence of
at very large Home Mari et, keep the price
of Flottrat this port up to ‘five ddllarsiper
barrel. Transportation, vvithitlic compe-
tition of Russia and Germany, will blight
the sauguirie hopes of large advantage now
clicrislit-d by many ainong us. But a con-
-siderable quantity of GffllIlg\\'ill go to Eng-,
land wlien the price is moderate here,
while Pork, Beef, lard, &c., will doubtless
be shipped under almost any circumstan-
ces. Tlie Bl‘l’llSld market will be tvortlii
something to our Farmers, though not
near so much as a Home tllarket based on
the fabrication among us of the goods and
wares whose producers they are expected
to feed in Great I.?ritai'n. But let our
Tariff be broken down,.our Manufactures
arrested if not subverted, and our Farmers
will lose immensely by__the change. Our
safety, our advantage, lie in standing
where we are. If Great Britain, under
her new Tarill, shall buy of its more than
she can sell us, so much the better; we
can thus redeem our Two Hundred Mil-
lions’ worth of Public Stocks and other
evidences of debt now held in England.-.
How are we ever really to pay them‘un-
less we sell more than we buy? Let us
stand by our Tariff, and we may soon
cease to be a Debtor and become ii Cred‘-
itor Nation, as Great Britain is. -When
we have thus accumulated Capital, perfect-
ed Macliincry, and made ready to produce»
nearly every thing (as we.do_many things)
at the lowest possible rates, then we, too’,
if we choose, may make a parade of
an admiring world on the blcssin
versal Free Trade. _ v _
We hear that Mr. VValker’s Tariff bill
sticks in the throat of the Cominittec_of
Ways and Means, in ‘consequence"of a
decided rcmonstranee by the ‘Foco-Foco,
Members from the North and East against
tl*.e,sh-ape given ‘to that bill,__w‘bereby
Sugar, lron, Coal, &c., are vouchsafed an
cflicicnt Protection of 30 per c€n1—.)\‘lille
“"001 is allowed but ‘.70, and Manufactures
of Cotton, Wool, Silu and Iron from less
than nothing up to ]_0 and at most 20 per
cent. above the duty" on the raw materials.
lVe cannot believe that the bill of Mr.
W'alker can be forced through any Amer-
ican Congress without essential changes.
The vote on Gen. Mt: Kay-’s kindred but
less exceptionable measure in the last
Housc—quitc as strongly Loco-Foco as
prcsent——justifies this conviction.
gs on uni-
By an order of the Pennsylvania House
ofRepresentatives, after due investigation,
Daniel McCook has been held to I bail. for
trial in the Criminal Courts, for attcmpt- -
ing to bribe a member in the case of the
Lehigh Bank, said to be owned chiefly by
M. Y. Beach of New York. . g
A mob meeting of some 2 or 300 as-
sembled last Monday in front of Mrs. Res-
tell"s house in Greeriwiclr st. N. Y., at the
call ofa handbill by George'W. Dixon, to‘
compel the woman to produce an infant
which she is charged with abdiicting.- The
Police, however, prevented any mischief
and the meeting adjourned to a future
Gen. Taylor, in command of t_he_i’Unit,ed:
Statesrtroops at Corpus ,Christi_e,_:,li_"a"s,. re‘-I
cci-_ve_d borders to ,brealg_—_ ii p itihati iiéiicitiiiipi-i
meat.-.titI.d ._ inure. -. to; the Bcca-,.~.td;e1 -:~,B_io,
(guiouth '01’ the Rio Grande,);”andtfliei;é:tg»lrfi:-
I If her projected Free frade includes fair .
tlirowing off our duties and expatiate to.
Norwalk Chronicler