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period of ten years an-l tipwards, our-' com-merce
was, with but little interruption, the subjcctof
constant aggressions on the part of li"raiice-:ig-
gressioos the ordinary features ot'which~ W-(.’l‘~C
contlemnations of vessels and cargoes under or-
bitrary decrees, adopted in-('0l'll.l':1V(2lll'l0l'll, as-well
of the laws of nations, as of treaty sti—ptilati-oiis :-
biirnings on the high seas ; and seiztrres a-nrli
confiscations, under special in'iperi=al: t'e8C1'l'pts,
in the ports of other nations occi-iipiedr by the
armies, or under the control of 1.‘,-a.r,,3e~, _5‘,,p'_,
it is now conceded is the character‘ofi" the wrrmgs
we sufIercd—-wrongs, in many cases, so flgagmm
that even their authors never denied our right
to reparation-’ Of‘ the extent of thei,-e injuries,
some conception may be fiirmed ‘from the fact,
that after the burning ofa large amount at sea,
and the necessary deterioratiozl, in mile; cases.
by logg ddetentio_%, tlére Afnicj,-ican properly so
seize an Sat’.-‘Pl ce at 0‘ - - - - '
what was adjudged tn"? pirlilaiztiirz: "Cg
"l‘h°“‘ ¢°0‘59mD€l‘i0D , brought into the French
"°a51"Y “'PW3"d Of Vvventy four millions of frncs,
besides large custonn house duties,
The 9'lb.l°‘-‘t had already been an affair of
“"99"! Y°3_T3' ‘uninterrupted negotiation, except
for 8 5h°r_l_‘U‘.ie, when France was overwhelmed
by ‘h°]1“l’ftary powerofunited Europe. Du-
""5 ‘hi’ period, whilst other nations were ex-
‘°"}"”_',- from her, payment oftheir claims at the
P°“T.t of the bayonet, the United States interinit-
’ed their demand for justice, out of respect to the
oppressed condition of a gallent people,_to whom
they felt under obligations for fraternal assistance
in theirown days of suffering and of peril. The
bad effects of these protracted and unavsiltiig
discussions, as well u on our relations wit i
France as upon our niitional character, were
obvious ;and the line ofduty was to mind equal-
ly so. This was, either to insist upon the ad-
justment of our claims within a reasonable
period, or to abandon them altogether. I could
not doubt, that by this course, the interests and
honor of both contries would be best consulted,
Insturctions were therefore given in this spirit to
the Minister who was set out once more to de-
mand reparation. Upon the meeting of Con-
gress, in December, 1829, lfeltit my duty to
speak ofthese claims, and the delays of France,
in terms calculated to call the serious attention
of both countries to the subject. The then
French Ministry took exception to the ground of
its containing a menace, under which it was
not agreeable to the French government to ne-
gotiate. '_
The American minister, of his own accord,
refuted the construction which was attempted
to be put upon the message, and, at the same
time, called to the recollection of the French
ministary, that the president's message was
acoinmunication addressed, not to foreign gov-
ernments, but to the congress ofthe United States,
in which it was en'oined upon him, b the con-
stitution, to-lay befiire that body inftffniation of
the state of the union, comprehending its foreign
as well as its domestic relations ; and that if, in
the discharge of his duty, he felt it incumbent
upon him to summon the attention of congress,
in due time, to what might be the possible
consequences of existing difficulties with any
foreign government, he might fairly be suppos-
ed to do so, under a sense of what was due frgiin
him in a frank communication with anot or
branch of his own government, and not from
any intention of holdinga menace over a foreign
power. The views taken by him received my
approbation, the French government was satis-
fied, and the negotiation was continued. It ter-
minated in the treaty of July 4, 1831, recognis-
ing thejustice of our claims, in part, and prom-
ising payment to the amount oftwenty five mil-
lions of francs, in six annual instalments.
The ratifications of this treaty were exchanged
at Washington, on the 2d of Feburary, 1832,
and in five days thereafter it was laid before
Congress, who immediatly passed the acts neces-
sary, on our part, to secure to France the com-
morcial advantages conceded to her in the com-
The treaty had previously been solemn-
.2: -..-
5"’;-.-;.it:=; new =..
and of with-:22 .-
"‘\'5.--Ie &‘i,'7§3i'(.>'v'l“'.£; 7.». .t'ur;'. er \';.::tio."., I on
each ofthe tbsp.-_~r"-.’-:‘;'-‘ '--.=é=.i-:2; '.’:t'€‘ cu'—.ii::€. rd in T-'.
do declare, by ourselves, as well as .,c; '.-e-. 2
successors, that it isaccepted, approved, ratified,
and confirmed ; and by these presents, signed by
our_hand, we do accept, approve, ratify, and
J}. 7'9-
mr=r.- ;ii:==9,:'-'.’ I‘-ll ftirtit,
» ".1 .
i ls.-Ws
l
A
.3 F.‘-
confirin it; promising, on the faith and word of
a King. to observe it, and to cause it to be obser-
ved inviolably, without ever contravening it, or
suffering it to be contravened, directiy or indirect-
ly, for any cause, or under any pretence what-
soever-"
Oflicial information of the exchange of ratifi-
cations in the United States reached Paris whilst
the Chambers werein cession. The extraordin-
ary, and to us injurious, delays of the French
Government, have been hereofore stated to
Crongrcss. and I have no disposition to enlarge
upon them here. It is sufiicient to observe that
the then pending session was allowed to expire
without even an effort to obtain the necessary
appropriations; that the two succeeding ones
were also suffered to pass away without any
thing like a serious attempt to obtain a decision
upon the subject; and that it was not until the
fourth session, almost three years after the con-
clusion of the treaty, and more than!two years
after the exchange of ratifications, that the bill
for the execution of the treaty was pressed to a
vote and rejected.
In themeantime the government of the United
States, having full confidence that a treaty
entered into and so solemnly ratified by the
1'" reach ting. would be executed in good faith,
and net. :3. qlning that provision would be made
I‘-.ir.z.‘;3 j.-;.;_~.-rrient of the first instalment, which
was tar become due on the second day of Febru-
.'i.'_-..-'. ‘l‘33.‘i, negotiated draft for the amount
17"..-ziigi rive Bank ofthe United Statees. \Vhen
this draft was presented by the holder. With the
credentials required by the treaty to authorize
him to receive the money, the government Of
France allowed it to he protested. In addii..i0!!
to the injury in the nonpayment of the money
_by France. conformahly to her engagement,
the United States were exposed toa heavy claim
- - .. bank, under pretence of
:-so‘.-. 1' ii of which that instiution
'¢+:‘--
:1-.~«‘.:;;., .; retains, as equal amount
{/1 the ‘,"E.Zt_.-.'L 4.:-‘.r‘i‘:»‘-.'_-.: Congress was in,._ _ion
W-'1--.‘-is ‘ A-"~'.'.9'.-‘-i.-. f the Chambers ‘VF "ed
J
3"». It
V‘~’a-{iii ..f==‘.'. . mmetliate communication
=:iz.'Ll;;.- ;.~‘.,.,:.i'.‘......_y iiual decision of France not
to fulfil the stipulations ofthe treaty“, was course
naturally to be expected from the President.
The deep tone of dissatisfaction which pervaded
the public mind, and the correspondent excite-
ment: produced in Congress by only a general
. knowledge of the result, rendered it more than
probable. that a resort to itmncdiate measures or
redress would be the conseq ucncc of calling the
zutcntionoftliat body to the subject. Sincerely
desirous of preserving the pacific relations
which had so long existed be:ween the two coun-
7-fies. 1 was anxious to avoid this course if I
could be satisfiied, that by doing so, neither the
interest nor the honor of my country would be
coiripromittcd. \Vitliout the fullest assurances
upon that point, Icouldnotliope to acquit my-
self of the responsibility tebe incurred. in suffer-
ing Congress to adjriurn M'iih.out laying the sub-
ject before them. '1"-l34is_e -received by me were
believed to be oftliot character.
That the feelings producediu the United States
by the news of the rejection of the appropriation,
' ' would be such as I have described them to have
been, was foreseen by the French Government,
and prompt measures were taken by it to pre-
vent the consequeuccs. _ The King in person,
expressed through out Minister at Paris, his pro-
found regret at the deeisionoftlie Cliambcrs, and
promised to setid, forthwith. :1 national ship,
' ' h dcspatches to his Minister bore, authorising
rm to give such assurrinces as would satisfy the
,.Govcrnmcnt and People of the United State-s,.
that the treaty would yet be faitlifiilly exrcuteil
by France. The national ship arrived, :'lt_t(l the
-uni, o ecgive.-'l his imtriir;tion.s. Clniininfl '0
I _._. .
I
~?“".c French, in terms‘
.1. .
gave to this Government, in the name of his.
the most solemn 8$73tlT2ll’lC€-S, that as soon after
jibe new elections of the charter would permit,
the French Chambers would be convened, and
the attempt to procure the necessary appropria-
"1008 !'0fl9'.ved-—that all the constitutional pow-
GT3 Oflhc King and his Ministers should be
PU! in reqiiisition to accomplish the object; and
he was understood, and so expressly informed
-by his Government at the time, to engage, that
the question should be pressed to a decision. at
a period sufliciently early to permit information
of the result to be communicated to Congress at
the commencement of their next session. Re-
lying upon these assurances, I incurred the re-
sponsibility, great as I regarded it to be, of sul-
fcring Congress is separate without communi-
cating with them upon the subject.
The expectations justly founded upon the pro-
mises thus solemnly made to this Government
by that of France, were not realized. The
French Chambers met on the 31st of July, 18-
31, soon after the election: and although our
Minister in Paris urged the French Ministry to
bring the subject befbre them, they declined do- .
ing so. He next insisted that the Chambers, if
prorogued without acting on the subject, should
be reassembled at a period so early that their
action on the treaty might be known in \Vash-
ington prior to the meeting of Congress. This
reasonable request was not only declined, but
the Chambers were prorogued to the 29th of De-
cember, a day so late that their decision, how-
ever, urgently pressed, could not. in all proba-
bility be obtained in time to reach Washington
before the necessary adjournment of Congress
by the constitution. The reasons given by the
Ministry for refusing to convoke the Chambers
at an earlier period, were afterwards shown not
to be insitperable, by their actual convocation on
the 1st of December, under a special call, for do-
inestic purposes—wliicli fact, however, did not
become known to this Government until after
commencement of the session of Congress.
Thus disappointed in ourjust expectations, it
became my imperative duty to consult with
Coiigress in regard to the expediency of a resort
to retaliatory measures, in case the stipulations
ofthe treaty should not be speedily complied
with ; and to recommend such as, in my judge-
ment, the occasion called for. To this end, an
unreserved communication of the case, in all its
aspects,becameindispensable. Tohaveshrunk
in making it, from saying all that was necessary
to its correct understanding, and the truth would
justify, for fear of giving offence to others, would
have been unworthy of us. 'l‘o have gone, on
the other hand, a single step further, for the pur-
pose of wounding the pride of a government and
people with whom we had so many motives for
cultivating relations of amity and reciprocal ad-
vantage, would have been unwise and impro-
per. Admonished by the past of the difficulty
of making even the simplest statement ofour
wrongs, without disturbing the sensibilities of
those who had, by their position, become respon-
sible for their redress, and earnestly desirous of
preventing father obstacles from that source, I
went out of my way to preclude a construction
ofthe message, by which the recommendation
that was made to congress might be regarded as
a menace to France, in not only disavowing
such a design, but in declaring that her pride
and her power were too well known to expect
any thing from her fears. The message did
not reach Paris until more than a month after
the chambers had been in session; and such
was the insensibility of the ministry to otir right-
ful claims and just expectations, that our minis-
ter had been informed that the matter, when in-
troduced, would not be pressed asa cabinet-mea-
sure.
Although the message was not officially erm-
municated to the French government, and not-
withstanding the declaration to the contrary
which it contained, the French Ministry decid-
ed to consider the conditional of reprisals, a me-
nace and an insult which the honor of the na-
tion made it incumbent on them to arrest. The
measures resorted to by them to evince their
sense of the supposed indignity were, the imme-
t ,.iate recall of their Minister at Wasliington,the
{offer of passports to the American Minister at
;Paris, and a public notice to the Legislative
Chambers that all diplomatic intercourse with
the United States had been suspended.
Having, in this manner, vindicated the digni-
ty of France, they next proceeded to illustrate her
justice. To this end, a bill was immediately in-
troduced into the chamber of deputies, propos-
ing to make the appropriations necessary to car-
ryinto effect the treaty. As this bill subsequent-
ly passed into a law, the provisions ofwhicli now
constitute the main subject of difficulty between
the two nations, it becomes my duty, in order to
place the subject before you in a clear light, to
trace the history ofits passage, and to refer, with
some particularity, to the proceedings and dis
cussions with regard to it. The minister of fi-
nance in his opening speech, alluded to the mea-
sures which had been adopted to resent the sup-
posed indignity, and recommended the execution
of the treaty as a measure required by the honor
and justice of France. He, as the organ of the
ministry, declared 'tlie message, so long as it had
not received the sanction of congress, a mere ex-
pression of the personal opitiion of the president,
for which neither the government nor the peo-
ple of the United States where responsible, and
that an engagement had been entered into, for
the fulfilment of which the honor of France was
pledged. Entertaining these views, the single
condition which the French ministry proposed
to annex to the payment of the money, was
that it should not be made until it was ascertain-
ed that the government of the United States had
done nothing to injure the interests of France ;
or, in other words, that no steps had been an-
thorised by congress of a hostile character to-
wards France.
\Vhat the disposition or action of congress
might be, was than unknown to the French cab-
inet. But, on the 14th of January. the senate
resolved that it was, at that time, inexpedient
to adopt any legislative measures in regard to
the state of affairs between the United States and
France, and no action on the subject had occur-
red in the House, of Representatives. These
(‘acts were known in Paris prior to the 28th of
March, 1835, when the committee, to whom the
bill ofindemnificatisni had been referred report-
ed it to the Chamber of Deputies. That com-
mirtee sulisianiially re-echoed the sentiments of
[he ministry, declared that Congress had set a-
side the proposition oi‘ the president. and recom-
mended the passage of the bill. Willlollt any Oth-
er restriction than that originally proposed.-
Thus was it known to the French ministry and
chambers, that ifthe position assumed by them,
and which had been so frequently and solemn-
ly announced as the only one compatible with
the honor of France, was maintained, and the
bill passed as originally proposed, the money
would be paid, and there would be an end of
this unfortunate controversy.
But the cheering prospect was soon destroyed
by an amendment introduced into the bill at
the moment of its passage, providing that the
money should not be paid until the French Gov-
eriimeot had received satisfactory explanations
of the President's message, ofihe 2d Decciiiber,
183-1; and what is still more extraortlinziry, the
President ofthe Council of Ministers adopted
this amendment, and consented to its incorpora-
tion in the bill. In regard to a supposed insult
which had been formally resented by the recall
of their Minister, and the offer of"passports to
ours. they now, for the first time, proposed to
ask explanations. Semiiiieiits and propositions,
which they had declared could notjiistly be im-
puted to the Goveriinieiit or People of the Unit-
ed States, are set up as obstacles to the per-
formaiicc ofari act of conceded justice to the
Government and People. They had declared
that the house of France required the fulfilment
of the engagement into which the King had en-
tered, unless Congress adopted the recoirimen-
dationsoftlie nicssagc. Tlicy nsccrtaiiied that
Congress did not adopt them, and yet that ful-
filinnnt is rr,-liiscil, unless they first obtain from
9
terized by tlieniselves as personal and inopera-
live.
The conception that it was my intention to
menace or insult the government ofFrance, is
as unfoutided as the attempt to extort from the
fears ofthat nation what her sense ofjustice may
deny, would lie vain and ridiculous. But the
constitution ofthe United States imposes on the
president the duty of laying before congress the
condition of the cotnitry, in its foreign and do-
mestic relations, and of reconimending such
measures as may, in his opinion, be required by
its interests. From the performance of this du-
ty he cannot be deterred by tlis fear of wound-
ing the sensibilities of the people or goviirnment
of whom it may become necessary to speak;
and the American people are incapable ofsub—
niitting to an interference, by any government on
earth, however powerful, with the free perform-
ance ofthe domestic duties which the constitu-
tion has imposed on their public functionaries.
The discussions which intervene between the
several departments ofour government belong
to ourselves; and, for any thing said in them,
our public servants are only responsible to their
own constituents, and to each other. If, in the
course of their consultations, facts are erroneous-
ly stated, or unjust deductions are made, they
require no other inducement to correct them,
however informed of their error, than their love
of justice, and what is due to their own charac-
ter; but they can never submit to be interrogat-
ed upon the subject, as a matter of right, by a
foreign power. When our discussions termin-
ate in acts, our responsibility to foreign powers
commences, not as individuals, but as a nation.
The principle which calls in question the presi-
dent for the language of his message, would
equally justify a foreign power in demanding
explanation of the language used in the report
ofa committee; or by a member in debate.
This is not the first time that the government
of France has taken exception to the messages
of American presidents. President \Vashing-
ton, and the first president Adams. in the per-
foriiiance of their duties to the American people,
fell under the animadversions of the French di-
rectory. The objection taken by the ministry
of Charles X. and removed by_the explanations
iriade by our minister upon the spot, has alrea-
dy been adverted to. When it was understood
that the ministry of the present King took excep-
tion to my message of last year, putting a con-
struction upon it which was disavowed on its
face, our late minister at Paris, in answer to the
note which first announced a dissatisfaction with
the language used in the message, made a com-
munication to the French government under date
of the 29th of Jan. 1835, calculated to remove
all impressions which an unreasonable suscepti-
bility had created. He repeated, and called the
attention of the French government to, the disa-
vowal contained in the message itself, of any in-
tention to intimidate by menace—he truly de-
clared that it contained, and was intended to
contain, no charge of ill faith against the king
of the French, and properly distinguished be-
tween the right to complain, in unexceptionable
terms, of the omission to execute an agreement,
and an accusation of bad motives in withholding
such execution-—and demonstrated, that the ne-
cessary use of that right ought not to be consider-
ed as an offensive imputation. Although this
communication was made without instructions,
and entirely on the minister’s own responsibility,
yet it was afterwards made the act of this gov-
ernment by my full approbation, and that ap-
probation was officially made known, on the 25th
of April, 1835, to the French government, It,
however, failed to have any ellect. The law,
after his friendly explanation, passed with the
obnoxious amendment, supported by the king’s
ministers, and was finally approved by the
king. " '
g The people of "the United_States are justly
attached to a pacific system in their intercourse
with foreign nations. It is proper, therefore,
that they should now whether their government
has adhered to it. In the presentinstangp, it has
been carried to the utmost extent that wits con-
sistent with a becoming self-respect. The note
of the 29thof January to which I have before
alluded, was not the only one which our Minis-
ter took upon himself the responsibility of pre-
senting, on the same subject and with the same
spirit. Finding that it was intended to make
the payment of a just debt dependent upon the
performance of a condition which he knew could
never be complied with, he thought it a duty to
make another attempt to convince the French
Government, that whilst self-respect and regard
to the dignity of other nations would always
prevent us from using any language thatought
to give offence, yet we could never admit a
a right in any foreign governmentlto ask expla-
nation off, or to interfere in any manner in, the
communications wnich one branch of our public
councils made with another: that in the present
case’ no such language had been used, and that
this had in a former note been fully and volunta-
rily stated, before it was contemplated to make
the explanation a condition, and that there might
be no misapprehension, he stated the terms used
in that note, and he otiicially informed them,
that it had been approved by the President; and
that therefore, every explanation which could be
reasonably asked, or honorably given, had been
already made—that the contemplated measure
had been anticipated by a voluntary and friend-
ly declaration, and was therefore ‘not only use-
less, but might be deemed offensive, and certain-
ly would not be complied with, if annexed as
a condition.
The French government having received all
the explanation which honor and principle per-
mitted. and which could in reason he asked, it
was hoped would no longer hesitate to pay the
instalments now due. Theagent authorised to
receive the money was instructed to inform the
French ministerof his readiness to do so. In
reply to this notice, he was told that the money
could not then be paid, because the formalities
required by the act of the chambers had not
been arranged.
Not having received any ofiicial communica-
tiou of the intentions ofthe French Government,
and-anxous to bring, as far as practicable, this
unpleasant affair to a close before the meeting of
Congress. that you might have the whole sub-
ject before you, I caused our Charge d’.-tffaires
at Paris to be instructed to ask for the final de-
termination of the French Government; and in
the eventof their refusal to pay the instalments
now due, without further explanations, to re-
turn to the United States.
The result of this last application has not yet
reached us, but is daily expected. That it may
be favorable is my sincere wish. France hav-
ing now, through all the branches of her Gov-
ernment, acknowledged the validity of our
claims, and the obligations of the treaty of 1831
and there really existing no adequate cause for
further delay, will, at length, it may be hoped,
adopt the course which the interests of both na-
tions, not less than the principles of justice, so
iinperiously require. The treaty being once ex-
ecuted on her part, little will remain to disturb
thefriendly relations of the two countries; no-
thing, indeed, which will iiotyicld to the sug-
gestions. ofa pacific and enligliteiied policy, ant!
to the influence of that actual good will and of
those generous reccollections, which we may
confidently expect will then be revived in all
their ancient force. _
In any event, however, the principleiuvolved
in the new aspect, which has been given to the
controversy, is so vitallyimportant to the inde-
pendoiita ministration of the government, that
it can neither be surrendered or coinpromitted,
without national degradation. I hope it is iin.
necessary for me to say. that such a sacrifice
will not be made through any agency of mine.
The honor of my country shall never be staiiii,-cl
by an apology from me, for the statement of
lruthand the perforinanee of myduty; nor can
I give any expluiiatioii of oflicial acts, except
such as is due to integrity and justice, and con-
sistent with the principles on which our institu-
tions have been framed. This ilotemiiiiatioii
will, I am i.-oiilidcrit, be approved by my con-
s‘ r
‘*3 ex ilaii lions ofa on'iiioi ‘liaise-
stitucnts. lli-.u.'c,indec<l, studied their Cl)U.l'Z1(.‘_j
tcr to but little purpose, if the sum of twentyfive
millions francs will have the weight of a fearin-
er, in the estimation of what appertains to -their
national‘independence; and if unliappily, in dif-
ferentimprcssion should obtain at any time in
any quarter, they will, I am sure rally round the
government of their choice with alacriiy and
unanimity, and silence forever the degr.-idiiig
impiitation.
Having thus frankly presented to you the cir-
cumstances wliitli, since the last Session ofCoii-
gross, have occured in thisiiiterestiiig and impor-
tant matter, with the views of the Executive in
regard to them, it is at this time only necessary
to add, that wiiencverthe advices, tiow daily
expected from our Charge d’Affairs shall have
been received, they will be made the subject
ofa special communication.
The condition of the Public Finances was
never more flattering than at the present period.
Since my last annual communication, all the
remains of ths Public Debt have been redeemed,
onwhenevcr the creditors choose to receive it.
All the other pecuniary engagements of the
Government have been honorably and promtly
fulfilled, and there will be a balance in the
Treasury, at the close of the present year, of
about nineteen millions ofdollars. It is believed,
that after meeting all outstanding and nnexpen-
de.l appropritions, there will remain near eleven
millions to be applied to any new objects which
Congress may designate, or to the more rapid
execiition of the works already in progress. In
aid of these objects, and to satisfy the current
expenditure ofthe ensuing year, it is estimated
that there will be received, from varioussources,
twenty millions more in 1836.
*° Should Congress make new appropriations in
conformity witn the estimates which will be
submited from the properdepartments, amount-
ing to about twenty four milions, still the avail-
able surplus, at the close of the next year, after
deducting all nnexpended appropriations. will
probaly be notless than six millions. This sum
can, in my judgment, be now usefuly applied
to proposed improvements in our Navy Yards,
and to new national works, which are not enumer-
ated in the present estimates, or to the more
rapid completion of those already begun. Either
would be constitutional and useful and would
render unnecessary any attempt in our present
peculiar condition, to divide the surplus reve-
mic, or to reduce it any faster than will be effect-
,ed by the existing laws. In any event,_as the
annual report from the Secretary of the Treasury
will enter into details. showing the probability
of some decrease in the revenue during the next
seven years, and a very eonsiderable deduction
In 1842, it is not recotnmended that Congress
should undertake to modify the present tariff,
so as to disturb the principles on which the coin-
proniise act was passed. Taxation on some of
the articles of general consumption, which are
not in competition with our own productions,
may be, no doubt. so diminished as to lessen
to some extent the source of this revenue; and
the sairie object can also be assisted by more
liberal provisions for the subject of public defence,
which, in the present state of prosperity and
wealth, may be expected to engage your atten-
tion. If, however, after satisfying all the de-
mands which can arise from these sources, the
iinexpeuded balance in the Treasury should
still continue to increase, it would be better to
bear with the evil until the great changes con-
templated in our tariff laws have occured, and
sliallenable us to revise the system with that
care and circnmpection which are due to so deli-
cate and important a subject,
It is certainly our duty to diminish. as far as
we can, the burdens of taxation, and to regard
all the restrections which are imposed on the
trade and navigation of our citizens as evils
which we shall mitigate whenever we are not
prevented by the adverse legislation and policy
of foreign nations, or those primary duties which
the defence and independence of our country
enjoinupon us That we have accomplished
ch towards the relief of our citizens by the
flanges {IVE accompanied the payment,
of the public debt, and the adoption of the pre-
sent revenue laws, is manifest from the facts,
that compared with I833, there is adiininution
of nearthenty five millions in the last two years,
and that our expenditues, independently of those
for the public debt, have been reduced near
nine millions during the same period. Let us
trust, that by the continued observance of econ-
omy, and by harmonizing the great interests of
agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, much
more may be accomplised diminish the burdens
of government, and to increase still further the
enterprise and the patriotic affection of all classes
of our citizens, and all the members of our hap-
py confederacy. As the data which the secre-
tary of the treasury will lay before you in regard
to our financial resources, are full and extended,
and will afford a safe guide to your future calcu-
lations, I think it unnecessary to offerany furth-
er observations on that subject here.
Among the evidences of the increasing pros-
perity of the country, not the least gratifying is
that afforded by the receipts from the sales of the
public lands, which amount, in the present year,
to the unexpected sum of $11,000,000. This
circumstances attests the rapidity with which
agricnltiire, the first and most important occupa-
tion of man, advances, and contributes to the
wealth and power of our extended territory.
Being still ofthe opiriion that it is our best policy,
as far as we can, consistently with the obligations
under which those lands were ceded to the
United States, to promote their speedy settle-
ment.I beg leave to call the attention of the
present Crngress to the suggeatisns I have offer-
ed respebting it, in my former messages.
The extraordinary recepts from the sales of
the public lands invite you to consider what
iriiproveinents the land system, and particularly
the condition of the General Land Ofiice, may
require. At the time this institution was or-
ganised, near a quarter of a century ago, it would
probably have been thought extravagent to
anticipate, for this period, such an addition to its
business as has been produced by the vast in-
crease of those sales, during the past and pres-
ent years. It may also be observed, that since
the year 1812, the land offices and surveying
districts have been greatly multiplied, and that
numerous legislative enactments, from year to
year since that time, have imposed a great
amount of new and additional duties upon that
ofiice; while the want of a timely application
of force commensueate with the care and labor
required, has caused theincreaing embarrassment
of accumulated arrears in the different branches
of the establishment,
Theseimpediments to the expedition of much
duty in the General Land Ofiice induced me to
anbmit to yourjndginent, whether some modifi-
bation of the laws relating to its organization, of
a new character, ought not to be called
for, at present juncture, to enable the office to
accomplish all the ends of its institution with a
greater degree of facility and promtitude than ex-
pearaiice has proved to be practicable under
existing regulations. The variety of the con-
cerns, and the magnitude and complexity of the
details occupying and dividing the attention of
the corriinissioiiers, appear to render it diffiicult,
if not impracticable, for that ofiicer, by any
possible assiduity, to bestow on all the multi-
farious subjects, upon which he is called to act,
the ready and carful attention due to their respect-
ive importance; unless the Legislature shall
assist him by a law providing, or otiableing
him to provide, for a more regular and economi-
cal distribution of labor, with the incident res-
ponsibility, among those employed under his
direction. The mere manual operation of aflix-
iiigliis signature to the number of documents
issuing from his oflice, subtracts so largely from
the time and attention claimed by the weighty
and coiiiplicated subjects daily accuiiinlziting in
that branch ofthe public service. as to indicate
the st rung mrcessity ofrevising the organic. law
ofthe cst:ibli.-rliineiit. Itwill be easy for congress-
|iereaftei', to proportion the expeiitliture on no-
coiiiitofiliis " ' 33.91‘ the service to its real
wziiits, bv’ . ’‘ "rout time to time, the
Uj‘_',;u-Iv r;n¢_.in.~c-ll u'.it,li__
The extinction ofthe public debt having taken
place, there is no longer any use for the olliccs
of ttie commissioners of loiins and of the sinking
t'iind.—1 recommnnd, therefore, that they be
abolished, and that proper measures be taken
for the transfer to the treasury dcprirtnieiit ofany
fiiiids, books, and papers. connected with the
operations ofthose ofiices ; and that the proper
power be given to that dcpartnii-iii forclosing,
finally, any portion oftlicir business which may
remain to be settled.
tinue, by such a law as was passed in 1812, the
duty it shall be to take charge ofthe books and
stock ofthe United States in that institution, and
to close all connection with it, after the 3d of
March, 182.36, when its charter expires. In ina-
kiiig provision in regard to the disposition of this
stock. it will be dsseritial to define, clearly and
strictly, the duties and powers ofihe otficer char.
ged with that branch of the public service.
Itwillbe seen from the correspondence which
the secretary of the treasury will lay before you,
that notwithstanding the large mfioum of the
stock which the United States hold in mm in-
stiiution, no inforinziiion has yet been c,,,,,,,,,,,,;-
cated which will enable the goverement to an-
ticipate when it can receive any dividend, or
derive any benefit from it.
Connected with the condition of ihe finances,
and the flourishing state ofthe coiintrv in all its
branches of industry, it is pleasing in witness
the advantages which have been already derived
from the recent laws regulating the value of the
It _ IQ _ ' b ‘ . d_ I not susceptible ofdziiigerotis extciisiori and coitu-
” e is a .o iiicum cnt qplciiiigrcs.-. in giilar ing binatiolq, ilie statc banks will not be lell'll)Ié‘7r'I_ -
i )cCl1mal'VllllCrC"l$0 t ic e )U[llr v t (IS -on- v’ . - " V
l . ° ‘ 5» U 1. nor in they have the power which we lizive
rfieceipt ofthe bills ofthe bank of the United;
States in payment of the public revenue, and to‘
provide for the designation of an agent, whose;
small bill.-;, will be cl:-.'eri‘t.~‘.;'—‘ ‘~um;.i{e,§ -,
suppression of all bank bills below twenty 6- 5-
ofsuch a result will form an era Earth - izi-",°t“
our country whiclii--"' ' ‘ - '
gold coinage. These advantages will be more
apparent in the course of the next year. when
the branch mint authorised to be established in
North Carolina, Georgia, and Louisaina, shall
have gone into operation. Aided. asit is hoped
they will be. by furher reforms in the bank-
ing system of the states. and by jtidicious regu-
lations on the part ofcongress, in relation to the
custody of the public moneys, it may be confi-
dently anticipated that the use of gold and silver-
as a circnlatioug medium. will become general
in the ordinary transactions connected with the
labor ofihe country. The great desideratum,
in modern times, is an efficient check upon the
power of banks, preventing that excessive issue
of paper whence arise those fluctuations in the
standard of value. which render uncertain the
rewards of labor. It was supposed bythose who
established the bank of the United States, that
from_ the credit given it by the custody of the
public moneys, and other privileges, and the
precautions taken to gurd agtinst the evils which
the country had suffered in the bankruptcy of
many of the state institutions of that period, we
should derive from that institution all the security
and benefits of a sound currency, and eve.-'y
good end that was attainable under that ptiivision
of the consitution which authorises congress
alone to coin money and regulate the value there-
of. But it is scarcely necessary now to say
that these anticipations have not been realized,
After the extensive embarressment and distress
recently produced by the bank of the United
States, from which the coniitry is now recover-
ing, aggravated as they were by pretensions to
power which defied the public authority, and
which, if acquiesed in by the people, would
have changed the whole character ofourgovern-
men’, every candid and intelligent individual
must admit that, for the attainment of the great
advantages of a sound currency, we must look
to a course of legislation radically different from
that which created such institution.
In considering the means ofobtaining so im-
portant an end, we must set aside all calculations
of temporary convenience. and be influenced by
those only which arein harmony with the char-
acter and the permanent interest ofthe Repub-
lic. We must recur to the first principles, and
see what it is that has prevented the legislation
of Congress andgthe States. on the subject of cur-
rency, from satisfying the public expectation,
and l'88llZlIlg feSUII.a uur icapvflditis IU Ihtlat: vvl~i§,.)-,
have attended the action of our system when
truly consistent with the great principle ofequaly
upon wnich itrests, and with that spirit of for-
bearance and mutual concession, and generous
patriotism, which was origiiially, and must
ever continue to be, the vital element of our
Union.
On this subject I am sure tliatl cannot be
mistaken, in ascribing our want ofsnccess to the
undue countenance which has been afforded to
the spirit of monopoly. All the serious dangers
which our system has yet encountered, may be
traced to the resort to implied powers, and the
use of corporations clothed with privileges. the
effect ofwhich is to advance the interests ofthe
few at the expense of the many. We have felt
but one class of these dangers exhibited in the
contest waged by the Bank of the United States
against the Gonernment, for the last four years.
Happily they have been obviated for the pres-
ent by the indignant resistance of the people;
but we should recollect that the principle whence
they sprung is an ever active one, which will
not fail to renew its efforts in the same and in
other forms so long as there is a hope of success,
founded either on the inattention of the People.
or the treachery of their representatives. to the
subtle progress ofits influence. The Batik is,
in fact, but one of the fruits of a system at war
with the genius of all our institutions—-a sys-
tem founded upon a political creed the funda-
mental principle of which is a distrust of the
popular will as a safe regulator of political pow-
er, and whose great ultimate object, and inevita-
ble result, should it prevail, as the consolidation
of all power in our system in one central Gov-
ernment. Lavish public disbursements, and
corporations with exclusive privileges, would be
its substitutes for the original, and, as yet, sound
checks and balances of the constitution—the
means by whose silent and secret operation a
control would be exercised by the few over the
political conduct of the many, by first acquiring
that control over the labor and earnings of the
great body of the People. Wherever this spirit
has effected an alliance with political power, ty-
ranny and despotism have been the fruit. If it
is ever used for the ends of Government, it has
to be incessantly watched, or it corrupts the sour-
ces of the public virtue, and agitates the coun-
try with questions unfavorable to the harmoni-
ous and steady pursuit of its true interests.
We are now to see whether, in the present
favorable condition of the country, we cannot
take an effectual stand against this spirit of mon-
opoly, and practically prove, in respect to the
currency as well as other important interests,
that there is no necessity for so extensive a re-
sort to it as that which has been heretofore prac-
tised. The experience of another year has con-
firmed the utter fallacy of the idea that the Bank
of the United States was necessary as a fiscal
agent of the government. \Vithout its aid, as
such, indeed in despite of all the embarrassment
it was in its pawer to create, the revenue has
been paid with punctuality by our citizens; the
business of exchange, both foreign and domes-
tic, has been conducted with convenience; and
the circulating medium has been greatly im-
proved. By the use of the state banks, which
do not derive their charters from the general
government, and are not controlcd by its au-
thority, it is asceitziined that the iuoncys ofthe
United States can be collected and disbursed
witliont loss or inconvenience, and that all the
wants ofthe community. in relation to exchange
aiidctz.-'.rcii_cy. are supplied as well as they have
ever been before. If, under circumstances the
most unfavorable to the steadiness Of the "10"-
ev iiiarltet, it has been found that the considera-
tions on which the Banks of the United States
rested its claims to the public favor. \\'PI't= imag-
inary and groundless, it cannot be doubted that
the experience ofthe future will be more deci-
sive against tliem. .
It has been seen, that, without the agency of
a great moneyed monopoly, the revenue can be
collected, and cotiveiiieutly and safely applied
~ - '3:-"—’~5ll5,.0- aagzertaincd
't - instcadof bciiigi nec_
.. -.‘
sarily made to promote the evils of an uncl..-cl.’
ed paper system. the management of the re- on
o a :-’»‘'‘I .
ue can be made auxiliary to the reform whicl ,,
the legislatures of several ofihe states have mm
menccd in regard to the siipprcssion of‘ smzil.
.5q«:-S
bills; and wliicli has only to be fostered by PTO-.
per regulatioiis on the part of congress to S(?‘_'L:r—§*5
:1 practical return, to the extent required for thr A”
security, to the constitutional medium. Sever.
v
“-1 frm“ ‘lie Eovernmcnt as political engines, Zlflfig
599" e¥§T€'|Sf-‘fl. to divert the public firiids from
jhc l°'e"""“_"° P"Fl’0ses of the go\'crument.---
I‘lie collection and custody ofihe revenue bt émr,
9" Te °°'"mr)'s 3 §0Urce of credit to them‘, =.r'i.ll
picrcase the security which _the states prhirin
or ‘a faithful execution oftheir trusts,by ['11.-;-I-3..
plying the scrutiiiies to which their ope ti
and accotints will be subjected. ‘
Thus disposed, as well from interest, s :;
obligris?.:::.- .»*77v 7; tr? ;r‘;e.-¢.i.t cannot be ulj; i
that Slltfl.‘ (.‘!.‘i)(llt‘l.'..i.- ;i;-; a... - .
adopt rcspct-ting the ‘:_j,,;. g.;, ,~,,.-._,,.,. _..,;
tions, with a view to tilt: ‘.;_i':..i._--.‘g u‘,_.,uge; ,g‘;,-.,
' I
'.-i .-‘::;._‘j. :~,‘}
l
‘.Lr':;
and that we shall soon gain, in place oi nit
_Bank of the United States, a practical reform
in the whole paper system of the country. if.
by this policy, we can ultimately witness
lnrs, it is apparent that gold and silver will t:.=.-.e
their place, and become the principal circulating;
medium in the common business of the farm is
and mechanics of the country. 'I‘lieattainm‘.-u‘:
,.. l.'._..
light by every true V.".—:,«-’
peiidence. It will --:__' r-‘.7 -.:;:
“Hr paper system hi:-. -.- ;.. A
eariiings of labor, a:i.§ -l- ‘ . 3
Pefpettiate those lial-5--:: -.::~u.,-m .- gm-"I ......pii 2-.
',V “'_ilich are so C01.-5.-,’iii.'ll to the character .:
l’”bl|L"“|S. than alltlie legislation which has
been attempted. . '
T0 _llIi§ Subject I feel that I cannot too eat
estly invite the especial attention of Congre
without the exercise of whose autlieritv, the or
-portunity to _accomplish so much public gt-
iiiust pass unimproved. Deeply impressnd m,
its vital importance, the ....,,~-gilt.-9 1,35, ,,, L-.~, _
the steps within his C2’-.‘.%liltl'.‘i\',tt1.1i ','\-““';';.}-'
guard the public revenu.. m.._'- i".=.-.-ft ..t the e.x:;;2
lation which the Bank of tbr-. 8 ‘
- rt:-.-I -.
5‘. "fl 3“;i.'t'.-."3l
dulged, ofrenewing and ;--.-.rpctu:..m.ig 3::-. 1-f.()Ili'.
oly, on the ground ofits -.lt',-»(‘t_'-‘*.Si|_\ '5 -.i fin.
agent, and as affording a sounder currency tli .~.
could be obtained without such an institution.
In the performance of this duty much respon~ :-
bility was incurred which would have beftt
gladly avoided, if the stake which the pub.‘-~.
had in the question could have ;. 2-.:u-:.:?_»I.e.~v':'
preserved. Although clothed all iiw '. --'=-I ii .
thority,and supported by precerlciit. '5 .»'.- l . ow: --
that there was. in the act of the rciziov. ' " z -
deposites, a liability to excite ii}-iil .-s:ii.- ~
1" i‘:-Vefilllive power which it E rlic ct.-er
tic and the duty offreemeii to iiidui,-;v.; ...\.t l. I
lied 0|'Hlll-‘3 feelingmllso. directed by patriotism:
and intelligence, to vindicate the conduct Wl|l4‘ll
in the end, would appear to have been call:-sl
for by the best interests of my country. The
apprelieiisioiis natural to this feeling, that tliere
may have been a desire, through the instrumen-
tality of that rrieasiire, to extend the E.\'8Cllll‘v'r.‘-
iiifliieiice, or that it may have been prompted ‘*"
motives not stiflicieiitly free from ambition, Wt
not .overlooked.
Under the operation of our institutions, 1
public servant who is called on to take a step
high responsibility, should feel in the freedc
which gives rise to such apprehensions, his big
est security. \Vhen unfounded, the i]ll8Klll1v’l
which they arouse, and the discussions they on
cite, deprive those who indulge them, of too
power to do harm : when just, they but basics:
the certainty with which the great body ofcz-.2
citizens never fail to repel an attempt to procure-
tlieir sanction of any exercise of power inconsi~-
tant with the jealous maintenance oftheir righii.
Under sncli convictions, and ‘entertaining 2:1.-
doiiht that my constitutional obligations demar1.i-
ed the steps which were taken in reference 4-.
the removal of the deposites, it was inipossilf:-.-
for me to be deterred from the path of duty, "*.,-I
a fear that my motives could be misjudged, or
that political prejudices could defeat thejnst con-
sideration ofthe merits of my conduct. The
stilt has shown how safe is this reliance up xi
the patriotic temperance. enlightened dlSC6l'.. -
merit of the People. That measure has no
been before them, and has stood that test of .-_~.it
the severe analysis which, its general lfl'lp(-'-
tance, the interests it affected. and the apprehen-
sions it excited, were calculated to produce: a‘-;..--2
it now remains for Congress to consider what
legislation has become necessary in consc-
quence.
I need only add to what I have, on fornu:-r
occasions said, on this subject generally, that in
the regulations which congress may prescri? 1:
respecting the custody ofthe public moneys, ‘.1
is desirable that as little discretion as may be
deemed consistent with their safe keeping should
be given to the executive agents. No one can
be more deeply impressed than I am with t‘-.:':
soundness of the doctrine which restrains and 3
mits, by specific provisions. Execlflive -5190’:
tion, as far as it can be done consistentiy wé-‘~’
the preservation of its constitutional char~....u-2.
In respect to the control over the public . .027:
this doctrine is peculiarly applicable. H”:-'J' -3-‘
harmony with the great principle whic.‘2 l
was sustaining in the controversy with me P :-
ofthe United States; which has result ’ "
vering, to some extent, a dangerous co:... .=::
between a monied and political pow 2'.
duty of the Legislature to define, by ‘.92’.-
positive enactment, the nature‘ and ext. ~.:-.=
action which it belongs to the Execut ":2
perintend. spring out of a policy an-. .-,..:-,-v.:-
that which enjoins upon all the bran; .;:.=;
Federal government an abstinence ffl.” 2 ‘-3:».
ercise of powers not clearly granted. _
In such a government. possessing 5 ii:
ed and specific powers, the spirit of ii... _'.:-rU-
administration cannot be wise or jtvsu‘
opposes the reference of all doubtful '-
great source of authority. the Statgs i-
ple; whose number and diversificc;
securing them against the influencen
men; which may mislead their a,:.j=.-
them the safest depository of power .« -1‘-
plication to the Executive, with ref :.“:.--:2
Legislative branch of the Government .:s
rule of action should make the Pr-2§._ 2--
anxious to avoid the exercise of any rm. fr
ary authority, which can be regul::.-.=:* '
gress. The biases which may 11?’? Elk‘? 3
him will not be so likely to extend
sentatives of the People in that bod} - _ L
In my former messages to CoD£_’i-"=5 1 V
repeatedly urged the propriety Of ‘—‘ -‘i“"‘}"'»1: .
discretionarv authority lodged "3 ‘I'f‘:___ I-'l'""~‘
Partments. but it has Produced 110
except the discontinuance of extra .::llr>=.
me Army and Navy, and the subs:u..
ed salaries in the latter. It is belie’
some principles could be advantagyw
ed, in all cases, and would promote
cy and economy of the public set"
some time that greater satisfactio.
equal justice would be secured to rit-
ficers generally.
The accompanying Report of‘:l’:e - e_
of \’\/'ar will put you in possession (*5
tions of the department confided to ':
all its diversified relations, diiring the
I am gratified in being able to infon‘
no occurrence has required any me
tlie military force, except such as i‘:%,\ .=. 4
astate of peace. The services of tht.‘ 2‘,=‘j».:.
been limited to their usual duties at :3-v__
garrisons upon the Atlantic and inland
with the exceptions stated by the ,.S'.‘.'.>.t :2
War. Oursmal‘:niilitairyta-t:=?ilt9-n1""" '
to he utleqiinjt '5
e to rim’ jiuiqiifi-:‘~".*~'
maintained‘ d it fiirm.-a :i miss‘
"~iA4.-
V'-!'
-'-'.*:-i
«E
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no 7%-' ~‘n0'.z —. _ .
to all the purposes-ofthe public.cxpciiilii_ure.. . lt.
r-as
it.
was
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Norwalk Chronicler