MR. CLAY’S SPEECH.
(coN'riNUEn.) ,
The object of wise governments should be-,
by sound legislation so to protect the indus-
try ol their ‘own citizens against the policy of
foreign powers as to give to it the most ex-
pansive force in the production of wealth.-
Great Britain has ever acted, and stillacts on
this policy. She has pushed her protection
ofBritish interest further than any other na-
tion has fostered its industry. The result is
greater wealth among her subjects, and, con-
seqtiently greater ability to pay their public
burthens. If their taxation is estimated by
their natural labor alone,uominally it is great-
er than the taxation ofthe subjects ofaiiy oth-
er power.‘ But if, on a scale oftheir natural
and artificial labor compounded, it is less than
the taxation of any other people. Estima-
ting it on that scale, and assuming the aggre-
gate ofthe natural and artificial labor of the
United Kingdom to be what I have already
stated, 221,500,000, the actual taxes paid by
a British subject are only about three and sec-
en pence sterlinw. Estimating our own taxes
on the same scale, the amount oftax paid by
each soul in the U. States is 43. 6d. sterling.
The views ofBritisli prosperity which Ihave
presented show that her protecting policy is
adapted alike to a state of war and of peace,
Self-poised, resting upon her own internal
resources, possessing a home market careful-
ly cherished and guarded, she is ever prepa-
red for any emergency. We have seen her
coming out ofa war ofincalculable exertion,
and of great duration, with her power unbro-
lten,her means undiniinishcd. We have seen
that almost every revolving year ofpeace has
brought along with it an increase ofher inan-
iifacttires, ofher commerce, and consequent-
l_y ofher navigation. ‘We have seen that,cou-
structing her prosperity upon the solid found-
ation of ht-r own protecting policy, it is unaf-
fected by the vicissitudes of other states.—
What is our own condition? Depending up-
on the state of foreign powers-—confiding ex-
clusively in a foreign, to the culpable neglect
ofa domestic policy, our interests are affect-
ed by all their movements. Their wars, their
misfortunes, are the only sources ofottr pros-
perity. Peace brings to us none of the bles-
sings of peace. Our system is anomalous,
alike iinfitted to general tranquility, and to a
state of war or peace on the part of our own
country. It can succeed only in the rare oc-
currence ofa general state of war in Europe.
But there is a rcinedy—and that remedy
consists in modifying our foreign policy, and
in adopting a genuine .zflmcrz'c(m s_i/stem. We
must naturztlize the arts in ottr coimtry, and
this can only be accomplished by the estab-
lishment of a tariff, to the consideration of
which I am now brought.
And what is this tariff? It seems to have
been regarded as a sort of monster, endowed
with tremendous powers ofdestructiou, about
to be let loose among our people, ifnot to de-
vour them, at least to consume their sub-
stance. But let us deliberately survey this
terrific being. The sole object of the tariff
is to tax the produce of foreign industry, with
the view of proinoting American industry. If
it subjects any part of American industry to
burthens, that is an effect not ititended, but is
altogether incidental.
It has been treated as an imposition ofbur-
thcus upon one part ofthe community by de-
sign for the benefit of another. But, is that
a fair representation of it? No man pays the
duty assessed on the foreign article by com-
pulsion, but voluntarily ; atid this voluntary
duty, ifpziid, goes into the coininou cxchequer
for the common benefit of all. Consumption
has four objects ofchoice. 1. It may abstain
from the use ofthe foreign article. 92. It may
rnploy the rival Auicricau fabric. 3. It may
engage in the business of inanufacttiring,
which this bill is designed to foster. 4. Or
it may supply itself from the household inan-
rfactures. Brit it is said by the Hon. gentle-
man from Virginia, that the south, owing to
the character of a certain portion of its pop-
ulatiou,canuot engage in the bitsiucss ofinau-
ufacturing. Now, I do not agree in that o-
pinion to the extent in which it is asserted.——
This circumstance may disqualify the south
from engaging largely in every branch of
manufactiire, but to some branches that part
of our population is well adapted.
But, ifthe gentleinan’s premises were true,
could his conclusion be admitted? Accord-
ing to him, a certain part of our population,
happily much the smallest, is peculiarly sitti-
ated. The circumstance of its degradation
unfits it for the mauufactiiring arts. The
well being ofthe other, and the larger part of
our population, requires the intror.ltiction of
hose arts. IiVliat is to be done in this cori-
ict? The gentlenian would have us abstain
roni adopting a policy called for by the inter-
ests of the greater and freer part ofour popu-
ation. But is that reasonable? Can it be
xpected that the interests of the greater part
should be made to bend to the condition of
the servile part of our population? That, in
effect,would be to make us tlicslu-vcs qfslavcs.
I went, with great pleasure, along with my
Southern friends, and I am ready again to u-
nite with them in protesting against the exer-
cise of any legislative poivcr, on the part of
Congress, over that delicate subject, bccaiise
it was my solemn conviction, that Coiigrcss
was intcrdictt-.d, or at least not authorized, by
the constitution, to exercise any sticli legisla-
ive power. And I am sure, that the patriot-
i ofthe South may be exclusively relied up-
ui to reject a policy which should be dictated
yconsiderations altogether connected with
hat degraded class, to the prejurlice of the
'esidue of our population. But, does not a
, erseverauce in the foreign policy, as it now
- xists, in fact, make all parts of the Union,iiot
planting, tributary-to the planting parts ?—-—
Vhat is the argutnent? It is, that we iuust
continue freely to receive the produce of for-
ign iudustry,witliout regard to the protection
)f Atiierican industry, that a market may be
I etained for the sale abroad ofthe produce of
he planting portion of the country ; and that,
l.\nierica, those which are not planting,:is well
5 the planting sections of foreign lI]2lll|1filC-
tires, we diminish to that extent the foreign
market for the planting produce. The exist-
tacit compact between the cotton’grower and
British manufacturer,tliestipulations ofwliich
are, on the part of the cotton grower, that the
whole of the U. States, the other portions as
well as the cotton growing, shall reuiain open
¢ nd unrestricted in the consumption of Brit-
‘ 'i inannfactures; and, on the part ofthe Brit-
?’ , ‘a.iiuf'.tcturcr, tliat,iu consideration there-
‘f we lessen the coustunption, in all parts of
mg state oftliings, indeed, presents a sort of
_of, he will continue to purchase the cotton of
the South. Thus, then’, we perceive that the
proposed measure, instead of sacrificing the
South to the other parts ofthe Union, seeks
only to preserve them from being absolutely
sacrificed under the operation of the tacit
compact which I have described. Supposing
the South to be actually incompetent, or dis-
inclined to embark at all in the business of
manufacturing, is not its interest,nevertlieless,
likely to be promoted by creatinga new and
an American source ofsupply for its consump-
tion ? Now foreign power, and Great Brit-
ain principally, have the monopoly ofthe sup-
ply of Southern consumption. If this bill
should pass, an American competitor in the
supply of the South would be raised up, ;and
ultimately, I cannot doubt, that it would be
supplied cheaper and better. Iliave before
had occasion to state,and will now again men-
tion, the beneficial effects of American coin-
petition with Etirope, in furnishing a supply
of the article of cotton bagging. After the
late war, the influx ofthe Scottish manufac-
ture prostrated the American establishments.
The consequence was, that the Scotch pos-
sessed the monopoly of the supply ; and the
price ofit rose, and attained, the year before
the last, a height which amounted to ‘more
than an equivalent for ten years protection to
the American manufacture. This circum-
stance tempted Aincricau industry again to
engage in the business, and several valuable
inauufactories have been established in Ken-
tucky. They have reduced the price of the
fabric very considerably ; but, without the pro-
tection of government, they may be agiin
prostratcd——-and then the Scottish inaiiiifac-
tiirer, engrossing the supplyyof our consump-
tion, the price will probably again rise. It
has been tauntingly asked, if Kentucky cati-
not maintainherselfin a competition with the
two Scotish towns ofluverness and Dundee?
But is that a fairstatenient oftlte case? Those
two towns are cherished and sustained by the
whole protecting policy ofthe British empire,
whilst Kentucky cuunot,aud the general gov-
ernmeut will not, extend a like protection to
the few Kentucky villages in which the arti-
cleis made.
31. The second objection to the proposed
bill is, that it willdiiiiiuish the amount ofour
exports. It can have no effect upon our ex-
ports, except those which are sent to Europe.
Except tobacco andrice, we send there noth-
iug but the raw materials. The argument is,
that Europe will not buy of us, ifwe do not
buy ofher. The first objection toit is, that it
calls upon us to look to the question, anti to
take care ofEuropean ability in legislating
for American interests. Now, ifin legislating
for their interests, they would consider and
provide for our ability, the principle ofreci-
procity would enjoin us to regulate our inter-
course with them,so as to leavetlieir ability un-
impaired. But I have shown that, in the a-
doption of their own policy their inquiry is
strictly limited to a consideration oftlicir pe-
culiar interests, without any regard to that of
ours. The next remark] would make is, that
the bill only operates upon certain articles of
European industry, which it is supposed our
interest requires us to manufacture within
ourselves, and although its effect will be to di-
niitiisli the amount of our imports of those ar-
ticles, it leaves them free to supply us with any
other produce of their industry. And since
the circle of human comforts, refinemeuts,aud
ltixuries, is of great extent, Europe will still
find herself able to purchase from tis what she
has hitherto done, and to discharge the debt
in some ofthose objects. If there be any di-
minution in our experts to Europe, it will
probably be in the article of cotton to Great
Britain. I have stated that Britain buys cot-
ton wool to the auiotint ofabout five millions
sterlin , and sellsto foreign states to the a-
mount ofupwards oftwenty-one millions and
a half. Oftliis sum, we take a little upwards
of a million and a half. The residue ofa-
bout twenty niillious, she must sell to other
foreign powers than the United States. New
their market will continue open to her, as
uiucli after the passage of this bill, as before.
She will therefore reqtiire from us the raw
inaterial to supply their coiistiinptioii. But,
it is said, she may refuse to purchase it ofus,
and seek a supply elsewhere. There can be
but little doubt that she now resorts to us, be-
cause wc can supply her cheaper and better
than any other country. And it would heuri-
reasouable to suppose that she would cease,
from any piqtic towards us. The conseqtiencc
woule be to lose the market for the £20 iriillion
st. which she now sells to other foreign pow-
ers, or enter it under a disadvantageous
competition with its, or with other nations,
who should obtain their supplies ofthe raw
material from us. Iftherc should be any di-
minution, therefore, in the exportation ofcot-
ton, it would only be in the proportion of a-
bout one and a halfto twenty, that is, a little
upwards offive per cent. the loss ofa market
for which abroad, would be fttlly compensated
by the market for the article created athome.
Lastly,I would observe, that the new applica-
tion of our industry, producing new objects of
exportation, and they possessing much great-
er value than in the raw state, we should be
in the aggregate amply indemnified, by their
exportaiou. Already the item in our foreign
exports ofm:iuufactures is considerable ;and
we know that our cotton fabrics have been re-
cently exported in a large amount to South
America, where they maintain a successful
competition with those of any other country.
3. The third objection to the tariff is that it
will diminish our navigation. This great in-
terest deserves every encouragement, consist-
out with i.liC[)i11‘i1lfl0llDl. intcrestofagriculture.
In the order of nature it is secondary both to
agriculture and manufactures. Its business is
the transportation of the productions ofthosc
two superior branches of industry. It cannot
therefore, be expected, that they shall be
moulded or sacrificed to suit its purposes; but
on the contrary, navigation must accommo-
date itself to the actual state ofagriciilture and‘
inanufactures. If, asl believe, we have near-
ly reached the muximuin in value of our ex-
ports of raw produce to Europe, the effect
liereirfter will be -as it respects that branch of
our trade, if we persevere in the foreign sys-
tem, to retain our navigation at the point
which it has now reached. By reducing, iri-
deed, as will probably take place, the price of
our raw niaterials, a further quantity oftlietn
could be exported,and, ofcoursc, additional
employment, might, in that way, be given to
our tonnage; but that would be at the expense
of the agricultural interest. If Iain rightin
supposing that no effect will be produced by
this measure upon any other branch ofour ex-
port trade, but tliat-.to Europe that, with re-
a
gard to that, there will be no sensible dimin-
ution of our exports ; and that the new direc-
tion given to a portion of our industry will
produce other objects ofeXportation,the prob-
ability is, that our foreign tonnage will be ev-
en increased under the operation ofthis bill.
But, ifI am mistaken in these views, and it
should experience any reduction, the increase
in our coasting tonnage, resulting from the
greater activity, of domestic exchanges, will
iuore than compensate the injury. Although
our navigation partakes in the general dis-
tress ofthe country, it is less depressed than
any other of our interests. The foreign ton-
nage lias been gradually, though slowly, iii-
creasing since 1818. And our coasting ton-
nage, since 1816, has increased upwards of
one hundred thousand tons.‘
4. It is next contended that the effect of
the measure will be to diminish our foreign
commerce. The objection assumes, what I
have endeavored to controvert,_tliat there will
be a redtiction in the value ofour exports.-
Commerce is an exchange ofcommodities.—
VVh-atever will tend to augment the wealth of
a nation must increase its capacity to make
these exchanges. ‘By new productions, or
creating new values in the fabricated forms
which shall be given to’ old objects of our in-
dustry,we shall give to commerce a fresh pring
a new aliment. The foreign commerce ofthe
country, from causes, some of which I have
endeavored to point out, has been extended as
far as it can be. And I think there can be
but little doubt that thebalance of trade is,
and, for some time past has been, against us.
I was surprised to hear the learned gentleman
from Mass. (Mr. Webster,) rejecting, as a de-
tected and exploded fallacy, the idea of a bal-
ance in trade. Ihave not time nor inclina-
tion now to discuss that topic. But I will ob-
serve, that all nations act upon the supposi-
tion of the reality ofits existence, and seek to
avoid a trade, the balance ofwliicli is unfavor-
able, aiid to foster that which presents a fa-
vorable balance. However the account be
made up,wlitttever may be the items ofa trade
commodities, fishing industry, marine labour,
the carrying trade, all of which, I admit,
should be couiprehended, there can be no
doubt, Itliiiik, that the totality of the exchan-
ges of all descriptions made by one nation
with another, or against the totality of the ex-
changes ofall other nations together, may be
such as to present the state ofan unfavorable
balance with the one or with all. It is true
that, in the long run, the measures of these
exchaiiges, that is, the totality in value of
what is given and ofwliat is received, must be
equal to each other. But great distress may
be felt long before the counterpoise can beef-
fected. In the mean time there will be an
export ofthe precious metals, to the deep in-
jury ofinternal trade, an unfavorable state of
exchange, an exportofptiblic securities, :1 re-
sort to credit, debt, mortgages. Most of, if
not all, these circumstances, are believed now
to be indicated by our country, in its foreign
commercial relations. What have we receiv-
ed, for example, for the public stocks sent to
England? Goods. Buttliose stocks are our
bond, which must be paid. Although the so-
lidity ofthe credit ofthe English public secu-
rities is not surpassed by that ofour own,strong
as it justly is, when have we seen -English
stocks sold in our uiarket, and regularly quo-
ted in the prices current, as American stocks
are in England? An unfavorable balance
with one nation may be made up by a favora-
ble balancc with other uatiotis ; but the fact of
the existence of that unfavorable balance is
strongpresumptive evidence against thetrade.
Commerce will regulate itself! Yes, and the
extravagance of a spendth rift heir,whe squan-
ders the rich patrimony which has descended
to him, will regulate itselfultiinately. But it
will be a regulation which will exhibit him in
the end safely confined within the walls of a
jail. Comuierce will regulate itself! But is
it not the duty of wise governments to watch
its course, and, beforehand, to provide against
even distant evils; by prudent legislation stim-
ulating the industry oftlieir own people, and
checking the policy of foreign powers as it op-
erates on tlieui? The supply, then, of the
subjects of foreign coinmerce,no less than the
supply of consumption at home, requires ofus
to give a portion of our labor such a direc-
tion as will enable us to produce them. That
is the object of the measure under considera-
tion, and I cannot doubt that, ifadopted,it will
accomplish its object.
5. The 5th objection to the tariff, is, that it
will diminish the public revenue, disable us
fioui paying the public debt, and finally coin-
pel a resort to a system of excise and internal
taxation. This objection is founded upon the
supposition that the reduction in the impor-
tzttion ofthe subjects, on which the increased
duties are to operate, will be such as to pro-
duce the alledged effect. All this is matter of
more conjecture, and can only be deterniiued
by experiment. I have very little doubt that
the revenue will be increased coiisiderably,for
some years at least, by this bill. The dimi-
nution in the quantity imported will be coin-
pensated by the augmentation ofthe duty.-—
But further the measure of our importationsis
that of our exportations. If I am right’ in
supposing that these will not be diminished,
but rather increased, then the amount of our
importations, and, consequently, ofour reve-
true, will not be reduced, but may be extend-
ed, and there will be no inability to extinguish
the public debt. The public debt of the U.
S. though nominally larger now than it was
in the year 1791, bears really no sort ofdis-
couragiug comparison, to its amount at that
time. It was, in 1791, about seventy-five
millions _of dollars. It is now about ninety.-
Tlien we had a. population ofabout four mil-
lions. Now we have upwards often millions.
Then we had a revenue short of five millions
ofdollars. Now our revenue exceeds twenty.
A public debt of three hundred millions of
dollars, at the present; day, considering our
actual ability, compounded both of the iii-
crease ofpopulation and of revenue, would
not be more onerous now than the debt ofsev-
eiity-five millions ofdollars was, at the epoch
of 1791. in reference to the same circumstan-
ces. IfI am right in supposing, that, under
the operation ofthe proposed measures, there
will not be any diminution, but a probable in-
crease oft.lie public revenue, there will be no
difficulty in defraying the current expenses
ofgovermnent, and paying the principal, as.
well as the interest ofthe public debt as it be-
comes due, Let us, for a moment, liowever,.
indulge the improbable supposition of the op-
ponciits of the tariff, that there will be a de-
duction ofthe revenue to the extent of the
most extravagant calculation which had been
made, that is to say, to the extent of five_ini1-
lions. That sum deducted, we shall still have‘
remaining a revenue ofabout fifteen millions.
The treasury estimates ofthe curre'n: service
of the years 1822, 1823, -and 1824, exceeds,
each year, nine millions. The lapse ofrev-
olutionary pensions, and judicious retrench-
merits which might be made, without detri-
ment to any ofthe essential establishments of
the cotintry, would probably ‘reduce them be-
low nine millions. Let us assume that sum,
to which add about five millions and a lialffor
the interest of the public debt, and the wants
of goveriiiuent would require a revenue of 14
and a lialfmillions, leaving a surplus of rev-
enue ofhalfa million beyond the public ex-
penditure. Thus, by apostponemeut of the
payment ofthe principal ofthe public debt,
in which the public creditors would gladly ac-
quiesce, aiid coiifiding for the means ofre-
deeming it in the necessary increase of our
revenue from the natural augmentation ofour
population and consumption, we may safely a-
,dopt the proposed measure, even if it should
be attended (which is confidently denied)witli‘
the supposed {diminution of revenue. IVe
shall not then have occasion to vary the exist-
ing system oftaxation; we shall be under no
necessity to resort either to direct taxes or to
an excise.
6. But, according to the opponents of the
domestic policy, the proposed system will
force capital and labor into new and reluct-
ant einploymeut; we are not prepared, in
consequence of the high price of wages, for
the successful establislunent ofiiiaiiufactui'e‘s,
and we must fail in the ‘experiment. \Ve
have seen, that the existing occupations ofotir
society, those ofagricultnre, coiniuerce, nav-
igation, and the learned professions, are over-
flowing with competitors, and that the want
ofeinploynient is severely felt. Now what
does this bill propose? ’_I‘o open a new and
extensive field ofbusiness, in which all that
choose may enter. There is no coinptilsion
iipou any one to engage in it. An option
only is given to industry, to continue in the
present unprofitable pursuits, or to embark in
a new and promising one. The effect will be
to lessen the competition in the old branches
ofbusiness, and to multiply our resources for
increasing our comforts, and augmenting the
national wealth. The alleged factofthe high
price of wages is not admitted. The truth is,
that no class of society suffers more in the
present staguatioiiofbusiness,than the lab’ring
class. That is a‘ necessary effect of the de-
pression of agriculture, the principal business
ofthe community. The wages ofable bodied
men vary from 5 to eight dollars per month ;
and such has been the want of employment,
in some parts af the Union, that instances
have not been unfrequent, of men working
uicrely for the means of present subsistence.
Iftlie wages oflabor here and in England are
compared, they will be found not to be essen-
tially different. Iagree with the lionourable
gentleman from Virginia, that high wages are
a proof of national prosperity ; we differ only-
iii the means by which that desirable cud shall
be obtained. But, ifthe fact were true, that
the wages of labour ai'e high, I deny the cor-
rectness oftlie argtunent founded upon it.——
The argument assumes that natural labour is
tlieprincipal element in the business ofinanii-
facture. That was theaucienttheory. But the
valuable inventions and vast iiuprovemeiits in
machinery, which have been tirade within a
few past years, have priiduced a new era in
the arts. The effect of this change, in the
powers ofproductioii, may be estimated from
what I have already st:ited,in relation to Eng-
land, and to the triumpligof European artifi-
cial labor over the natural labour ofAsia.
In considering the fitness of a nation for
the cstablisliment of niaiiufactures, we must
no longer limi_t our views to the state of its
population, and the price of wages. All cir-
cumstances must be regarded, of which that
is, perhaps, the least important. Capital, in-
gcuuity in the construction, and adroitness in
the use of machinery, and the possession of
the raw materials,are those which deserve the
greatest consideration. All these circuinstan-
ces, (except that of capital, of which there is
no deficiency,) exist in our country in an em-
inent degree, aiid more than counterbalance
the disadvantage, ifit really existed, of the
lower wages of labor in Great Britain. Not-
witlistanding the concurrence of so many fa-
vorable causes, iu our country, for the intro-
duction ofthe arts, we are earnestly dissuaded
from making the experiment, and our ultim-
ate failure is confidently predicted. Why
should we fail? Iam not willing to admit
this depreciation ofAmerican skill and enter-
prise. At the commencement ofthis govern-
ment, we were told that the attempt would be
idle to construct a marine adequate to the
commerce of the country, or even to the hu-
siness ofits coasting trade. The founders of
our {government did not listen to these dis-
couraging counsels; and behold the fruits of
tlieirjtist comprehension of our resources l—-
Our restrictive policy was denounced, and it
was foretold that it would utterly disappoint
all our expectations. But our restrictive pol-
icy has been euiinentl-y successful; and the
share which our navigation now enjoys in the
trade with France, and with the British “fest
India Islands, attests its victory. What were
not the disheartening predictions ofthe oppo-
nents of the late war? Defeat, discoinfitiire,
and disgrace, were to be the certain, but not
the worst, effect ofit. Here, again, did proph-
ecy prove false ;and the energies of our coun-
try, and the valor, and the patriotism of our‘
people,carried us gloriously through the war.
We are now, and ever will be, essentially, an
agrictiltural people. IVithout a material
change in the fixed habits of the country, the
friends ofthis measure desire to draw to it, as
a powerful auxiliary to its industry, the inan-
ufacturing arts. The difference between a
nation with, and without the arts, may be con-
ceived, by the difference bctween a keel-boat
anda steam-boat, conibatting the rapid tor-
reiitof the Mississippi. I-Iow slow does the
foruicr ascend, hugging the sinuositics of the
shore, pushed on by her hardy and exposed
crew, now throwing themselves in vigorous
concert on their ours, and then seizing the
pendant boughs of over-hanging trees: she
seems hardly to move ; and her scanty cargo
is scarcely worth the transportation l Willi
what ease is she not passed by the steam boat
laden with the riches of all quarters of the
world, with a crowd of gay, clieerftil,and pro-
tected passengers, now dashiug into the midst
of the current, or gliding through the eddies
near the shore! Nature herself seems to stir-
vey, with astonishment, the passing wonder,
and, in silent submission, reluctantly to own
7. But it is said, that, ‘wliei-ever there is a
concurrence of favorable circumstances, man-
ufactures will arise ofthemselves,witliout pro-
tection; aud- that we should not disturb the
natural progress of industry, but leave things
to themselves. If all nations would modify
their policy on this axiom, perhaps it would
be better for the common good of the whole.
Even then. in consequence ofnatural advan-'
tages, and a greater advance in civilization
and in the arts, some nations would enjoy a
state of mttch higher prosperity than others.
The proposition to be inaintaiucd by our ad-
versaries, is, that manufactures, without pro-
l99“°“: Will, in due time, spring tip in our
country, and sustain themselves, in a compe:
tition with foreign fabrics, however advanced
the arts, and whatever the degree of protec-
tion may be'in foreign countries. Now 1 con.-.
tend that this proposition is refuted by all ex-
perience, ancient and modern, and in every
country. IfI am asked, why unprotected in-
dustry shottld not succeed in a strnrwle with
protected industry, I answer, the }?.fc'r has
ever been so, and tliatis sufiicieut; I reply
that imi_'./brm erpcriciicc evinces that it canno;
succeed in such an unequal contest, and that
is sufficient. If we speculate on the causes of
this universal l.I’Ulli,WP may differ about them.
Still the indisputable, fact remains. And we
should be as unwise in not availing Ollrselveg
of the guide which it furnishes, as a man
would be who should refuse to bask in the
rays of the sun, because he could not agree
with Judge \Voodward as to the nature ofthe
substance ofthat planet, to which we are in-
debted for heat and light. i
The unprotected manufactures ofa country
are exposed to the danger of being crushed in
their infancy, either by the design or from
the necessities of foreign manufactures. If
the Scottish manufacturer, by surcharging our
market, in one year, with the article ofcotton
bagging, for example, should so reduce the
price and so discourge the home tnamufacturc,
he would secure to himself the monopoly of
the supply. .. And now having the exclusive
possession ofthe market, perhaps for a long
ttfljn Ofyears, he might be more than indem-
nified for his first loss, in the subsequent rise
in the price ofthe article. What have we not
seen under ouroivn eyes! The coinpetition
for the transportation of the mail, between
this place and Baltimore, so excited, that, to
obtain it, an individual offered, at great loss,
to carry it a whole year for one dollar l His
calculation no doubt, was, that by driving his
competitor offthe road, and securing to him-
selfthe carriage ofthe mail, he would afre.-.
ivards be able to repair his original loss by new
contracts with the department. But the ne-
ccssities of foreign manufactures, without im-
putnig to them any sinister design, may 0-
blige them to throw into our markets the fab-
rics which have accumulated on their liauds,
in consequence of obstruction in the ordinary
vents, or from over calculation ; and the for-
ced sales, at losing prices, may prostrate our
establishments./From this view of the sub-
ject, it follows, that, if we would place the in-
dustry ofour country upon a solid and un-
shalteable foundation, we uiust adopt the pro-
tecting policy which has every where succeed-
ed, and reject that which would abandon it,
which has every where failed.
(To be conclud_c_¢ gicxl week.)
FOR SALE.
THE subscriber will sell asinall Farm, cal-
led Hog Island, containing about 9.5 or
30 acres, with a Dwelling House and Barn
thereon, and on which are about 100 Apple-
trecs. Said Farm lies in the First Society of
Greenwich, adjoining the Great Cove so call-
ed. Attached to said Land is the privilege of
cutting about 12 loads of Sedge yearly. If
said Farm is not disposed of by private sale
by the 1st Monday of Jan. next, it will then
be sold at public vcndue, at E’. o’clock, P. M.
ongsaid day,ou the premises.
CHARLES Locxwoon.
Greenwich, March 19., 1824. 7
Y an order from the Hon. Court of Pro-
bate for the district of Norwalk, will he
sold at public vendtie on Thursday the 13th
of May next, at one o’clock, P. M. so much
of the real estate of William. Jelfi'._/], late of
Norwalk, dec’d, as will raise the sum of_.f'7-18
86 cents, with incidental charges ofsale. Said
vendue will be held on the premises. Condi-
tions made known at time of sale.
AARON JELLII-‘F, Exec’r.
Norwalk, April 24th, 1824. , *9
SIX months from the date hereof are limit-
ed by the Hon. Court of Probate for the
district of Stamford, for the creditors to the
estate of.N'aiham'cI Ferris, late ofGrecnwich,
dec’d, to exhibit their claims against said es-
tate to the administrators, or they will be de-
barred a legal recovery.
JONATHAN Fmcii, Adminis-
CHARLES S.s1i'ri~i. j trutors.
Greenwich, April 19th, 1824. 9
SIX Months from this date are limited by
the I-Ioti. Court of Probate for Stamfortl
District for the exhibition ofclaiiiis against the
Estate of Eliza flint. Jllillcr, late of Stamford
dee’d. DANIEL Youncs, Adm’r.
Stamford, April 6, 1394. 9
WATCH LOST.
OST, suspected to have been taken from
the pocket ofthe owner, on the 10th inst.
on'board the sloop Sabina,on her passage from
New-York to Norwalk, a Double case silver
Watch. The person who has it will do weli
to leave it forthwith at the Norwalk Hotel.
April 26th, 1824. 9
J. SMITH 82. L. WILSON,
HAVING formed a connexion in business
under“ the firm of Smith S; Wilson, and
taken the Store recently occupied by D. 81. 8
Lyrics Est. Co. offer to their friends and the
public a large and select assortment of Dar
Goons. As their Goods are of a Superior
quality, they will offer them at such prices as
will well reward the purchaser for calling to
examine. Norwalk, April 9.3. 9
DISSOLUTION.
HE partnership ofBencdict 8,'Clarf; is this
day disso ved by mutual agreeineut. All
persons having unsettled accounts are reques-
ted to call and settle the same with either of
the subscribers. EZRA P. BENEDICT,
SALLU P. CLARK.
Danbury, March 15th, I824. 9
GARDEN SEEDS.
A NEVV assortinentofchoice Garden seeds
the magnificent triumphs, in her own vast do-
minion, of Fultou’s immortal genius!
just received and for sale by
~ War. &r. B. Locxwooo.
Norwalk Chronicler