- « hitiiiil'lilliltil lit
glottal Blamed
ll‘ l‘SVlllllElilJSTPllEVlll
M For ape-oh in Opening Active
cesium." For Nomination —Guetes
“Tait as Opposed to the Majority.
“ands Oquareiy on His Columbus
. “(0-) Address.
Newton-k. March 21.-Last night in
“We hail Colonel Roosevelt deliv
If“! a forceful campaign speech. it is
in part as follows:
The great fundamental issue now be
more the Republican party and before
. Sour people can be stated briefly. it is.
Are the American people iii to govern
themselves. to rule themselves. to coil-
not themselves? [{i believe they are.
y opponents do not. i believe in the
light of the people to‘ rule. i believe
’ :tllat the majority of the plain people of
the United States will. day in and day
out. make fewer mistakes in govern.
themselves than any smaller class
, lit-body of men. no matter what their
" mining, will make in trying to govern
them. i belléve. again. thaj the Amer»
Milli poople arc. no a whole. capable of
control and of learning by their
so
Tyranny of Minorities.
l! have st‘ant patience with this talk
'of the tyranny of the majority. \l‘licll
_ ,[aver there is tyranny of the majority
triball protest against it with all my
heart and soul. But we are today suf-
fering from the tyranny of minorities
l in small minority that is grabbiaa
our total deposits. our water powers
and our harbor fronts. A small minor.
fl is fattening on the sale of aduller
“foods and drugs. it is a small
minority that lies behind monopolies
ltd hunts. it is a small minority that
lands behind the present law of tuna-
, at and servant. the sweatshops and
die whole calendar of social and in
We! injustice. it is a small minor-
ty‘that is today using our convention
union) to defeat the will of n.majority
of the people in the choice of delegates
7 the Chicago convention.
1;. the majority of the American peo-
pl ‘ 'were in fact tyraunous over the
- . minority. if democracy had no greater
self control than empire. then indeed
xiio written words which our forefn
there put into the constitution could
my that tyranny.
.. No sane man who has been familiar
with the government of this country
. or, the last twenty years will com-
gplaln that we have had too much of
‘ he rule of the majority. The trouble
has been a far different one—that. at
fly times and in many localities.
are have held public office in the
tea and‘ it) lite nnilon men who
‘nvs'ln fact served not the whole pen
flint some special class or lipi‘i'llli
__ rest. i am not thinking only at
' peclai interests which by gross
ethods. by bribery and crime.
tolen from the people. i an»
king (is much of their respectable
" ' ad figuaclleads. who have ruled
gislated and decided as if in
Why the vested rights of privi
ad a first mortgage on the whole
States. while the rights of all the
’were meet-z an unsecured debt .
overstntinl; the case? [love our
l leaderslalways or penemiiy
billed their dilly to the people a.:
hing more than a duty to dispeme
.nleb. see that the ashes are taken
and distribute patronage? Hut-9'
ders‘ hlways or generally work
‘ turbulent of llumnn‘helags. to
j has prosperity of till the poo.
. give to catch some opportunity
sling decently and bringing up his
‘ ‘. well? The questions need no
so “Checks and Balances."
thine has sprung up a feeling
‘ hearts of the people. not of
‘ ‘ ad professional politicians.
rvading belief of thinking
on that'when the majority of the poo-
do in fact as well as theory rule
on the servants of the people will
t the commands of the special inter
v. 1 ’ but those of the whole people. To
finch toward that end the progressives
_ the Republican party in certain
states have formulated certain propos-
is for change in the form of the state
ailment—certain new“ "checks and
as" which may check- and bal-
the special interests and their ai-
l'i’hat is their purpose. Now.turtt
ill a moment to their proposed meth‘
ads.
First there are the "initiative and
iii. referendum,” which are so framed that
Wibflflltflm obey the command
peci‘al interest and obstinateiy
will of the majoritytile ma-
‘ ‘step in and legislate direct-
’ an Would say that it was but
[alliegisiation’by direct vote
teaspoon. would mean the loss
. » ref pdtient consideration
'otheriia‘fid. no one whose
The ,. nail-long since
. in t the,1 promo
W when t a e a-
,fiy. out the will of
'1 X l-isainetiiod
I ”lit
ma...
‘ the
. decision efthe supreme tourt‘hnliilu
O
3 the recall elf-Malls in a moment—m
. . leave this aside—hilt. u to the labia
- . chemise-«bearde- argument adv
mead against the preposition sari-
' 'that it will Iatrdio' "public oil‘cer
* timid and alb‘aya wfmnltuvnr with
' the mob.
That argument means that
‘ you can tool it! the people all the time
and is an aiowaipf disbelief in democ-
racy. if it be'lrueaand‘l believe it is
note—it is less important than to stop
those public officers from carrying fa-
vor with the interests. .
Then there is the direct primary—the
real one. not the New York one-and
that. too. the progressives odor as a
check on the special interests. Most
clearly of ail‘doea it seem to me that
this change is wholly good for every
state. The system of party government
is not written in our constitutions. but
it is none the less a vital and essential
part of ollr form of government. in
that system the party leaders should
serve and carry out the will of their
- owtt party. There is no need to show
how far that theory is from the facts.
or to rehearse the vulgar thieving part:
nerslilps of the corporations and the
bosses. or to show how many times the
real government lies in tile.hauds of
the boss. protected from the commands
and the revenue of the voters by lll‘l
puppets in office and the power of put
ronage. The direct primary will give
the voters a melilod ever ready to use
by wblch the party leader shall be
made to obey their command. The di‘
rect primary. if accompanied by a
stringent corrupt pmctices act. will
help break up‘ the corrupt partnership
of corporations and politicians.
Recall of Judges.
My opponents charge that livo things
in my program are wrong because thry
intrude into the mortuary of the jndl
ciary. The first is the recall of judges
and the second the review by the pro
ple of judicial decisions on certain con
stitulloual questions inure sniii altillll
and again that i do not advocate lin-
recall of judges-in all states and in all
communities. The integrity of our
judges from Marshall to White and
Holmes—and to Cullen and many otll
era in our own slate—ls ii title page of
American history. lltlt~l say it sober
lyodcmocracy has the right to ap
preach the sanctuary of the courts
when a special interest has corrupily
found sanctuary there.
i have stated that the courts of the
several stuteo— not always. but often-
have ciutsirued the "due process"
clause of the slate constitutions as if
lt prohibited the whole people of the
state from adopting methods of rcgu
biting the use of property so that llii
mall life. particularly the lives of the
workingtucn. shall be safer. freer and
happier No one can sucwsafnily ltn
pencil this statement. l have insisted
that the true construction of “due [ll'lll'
has" is that jll‘linmliit't‘d by Justice
Holmes in delivering the utizinitlloiin
opinion of the supreme court of tin-
United States. when he said:
“The police power extends to all the
great ptthllc needs. it may be put
forth in aid of what In sanctioned in
usage or held by the prevailing mu
raiity or strong and prepondcrnnt ujllil
lull in be greatly and lutllli-diateit'
necessary to tile public welfare."
1 insist that the decision of the Non
York court of appeals In the Iron case.
which set aside the will of the iilti
jority of tile people as to the coulpen
atiliotr'of injured werltnlctt in danger
one trades. was intolerable and based
on a wrong political philosophy. i am
that in such cases where the courts
construe the due process claust- an ll
property rights. to the exclusion oi
human rights. had a first mortgage on
thitt-iilislllnilou. ilie people may. lifti-t
sober deliberation. vote and finally do
lcrmluc whether the law which the
court set aside shall be valid or not
By this method can be clearly and final
2y ascertained the prepoilticrant opitt
ion of the people which Justice iloimw
makes the test of due process in the
case .of laws enacted in the exercise
of the police power. The ordinary
methods now in venue of ntncudiull
the constitution have inaclual practici-
proved wholly inadequate to secure
justice in such cases with reasonable
speed and cause intolerable delay and
injustice. and those who stand against
the changes I propose are champions
of wrong tlnd injustice and of tyralt
by by the wealthy and the strong over
the wank and the helpless.
Limitations of the Recall.
So that no man may misunderstand
me. let me recapitulate: '
First—i am not proposing anythlnu
in connection with the' supreme court
of the United States or with the fed
eral constitution.
Second—l am not proposing anything
having any connection with ordinary
suits. civil or criminal. as between in
dividuals.
Third—i am not speaking of the re-
call of judges.
Fourth—1 am proposing merely tbtll
in a certain class of cases Involving the
police power. when a state court has
set aside as unconstitutional a law
passed by the legislature for the gen-
eml welfare..the attention of the valid
ity of the law—which should depend. as
Justice Holmes so well phrases it. upon'
the prevailing morality or preponder.
. slit opinloai—belsubmllted for final de
termination to a vote of the people.
taken after due time for consideration
And i contend that.the people. in the
nature of things. must he better judges
of what is the pro | detest opinion
than, the courts an r the coili-
should not he allow "revered
political pliiloiiophyo tile Wills...
point is well innovated by a .
'a I! to criticism or thls .Wltldl.
“ eqsays' that it "is utterly without
merit or- utility and instead of being
..' r. ‘ _ in the interest of all the pee-
pietaad-ef the stability ofpepuiar gov-
ernment illicit!!!“ the cards of granite
slots and tyranny." (By this be. Of
course. means the tyranny of tunic
ioritywthat is. the tyranny of the
American people as a- whoio.l lie also
says that. my proposal (which. as he
'rishtiy sees. is merely a proposal to
give the people a mi instead of only ii
nominal chance to construe and amend
a state 'constitution with reasonable
rapidity) would make such amendment
and interpretation "depend on the fiL
verisli. uncertain and unstable determi-
nailoit (if successive votes on maternal
laws by temporary and changing mu-
jorities" nttd that “it lays the as at
the root of the tree of well ordered
freedom and subjects the guarantees of
life. liberty and property without rein
edy to the filfiil impulse of a temporary
majority. of all electorate."
This criticism is really less a criti-
cism of my proposal than a criticism of
all popular government. It is wholly
unfounded unless it iii founded ou the
belief that the people are fundamental
ly untrustworthy. if the supreme
court's dellltlllou of due process ill rc-
inlion to the police power is sound.
then an act of the legislature to pro:
mate the collective interests of the
community must be valid if it embed
Ies a policy held by the prevailing mo
ralily or u prepoudernnt opinion to be
necessary to the public welfare. This
is the question that i propose to sun
mit to the lleople. How can the pre-
veiling morality or a preponderaiii
~ opinion be better and more exactly as-
certained than by a vote of the people?
The people must know better titan the
court what iiielr own morality and
their own opinion are. .-
Tiie object l have in view could prob.
ably be accomplished by all amend
meat of the state constitutions takllut
away from the courts the power to
review the legislature‘s determination
of a policy of social justice. by dednlna
due process of law in accordance with
the views expressed by Justice Holmes
for the supreme court. lint my pro
poanl seems to the more democratic
and. i may add. less radical. for an
‘der the method I suggest the people
may stl'stuln the court as against the
legislature. whereas "due process were
defined in the constitution thc‘decislou
of the legislature would be linsl.
Distrust of Popular Government.
Mr. Taft’s position is the position
that has been held from the beginning
of our government. although not ill
ways so openly held. by a large lllllll
her of reputable and honorable men
who down at bottom distrust popular
government and. when they must he
cept it. accept it with reluctance and
hedge it around with every species at
mlrietlon and check and balance. an
as to make the power of the people a.
limited and as ineffective as possible
hlr. Taft fairly defines lh'c issue when
he says that our government is and
should be a government of all the pen
pie by a representative part of the pen
pie. This is an excellent ttntl modl’l'llk'
description of an oligarchy. it defines
our government as a government of all
of the people by a few of the pcopht
Mr. Taft fit his able speech has made
what is probably the best possibili-
presentation of the-care for those wit.
feel in this manner. Es‘il'emitilly llil~
view differs only in its expression from
the view nakcdly eel forth by one at
his supporters. Congressman Campbell
Congressman Campbell. in a pulliii
speech in New Hampshire. in oppm
lag the proposition to give the peoph
real and effective control over till then
servants. including the judges. stated
that this was equivalent to allowiugun
appeal from the umpire to the bleach
era. Doubtless Congressman Campbell
was not himself aware of the cynical
truthfulness with which he was put-
tlag the real attitude of those for, whom
he spoke. But it unquestionably is
their real attitude. hi r. Campbell‘s con
ception of the part the American peo
ple should play in self government is
that they should sit on the bleachers
and pay the price of admission. bill
should have nothing to any as to the
contest which is wagedin the arena by
the professional politicians.
i am not'speaking jokingly nor do i
mean to be unkind. for l repeat.lhal
many honorable and well meaning that.
of high character take this view null
have taken it froaat time of theater
matlon of the natio‘n‘w ntiaily [ills
view is that the constitution is a strait
jacket to hil used for the control of an
unruly patient—the people. Now. i
hold that this view is not only false.
but mischievous; that our constitutions
are instruments designed to secure jun.
lice by securing the deliberate but of
fact“; expression of the popular will
that e checks and balances are vain
able as' far and only so far as they ac»
compliah that deliberation and that ii
is a warped and unworthy and lip
proper construction of our form ,of gov
ernment to see in it only a means at
thwarting the popular will and of pri-
venting justice. air. Taft says that
“every class" should have a "voice" in
illegovernmont. 'i'bat teams to me u_
very actions misconception . of the
American political situation. The real
trouble with us is that some classes
have ‘had‘too much voice. One of t it
most important of all the lessons to i
taught and to be learned is that a‘ mall
should vote not as a representative of,
a class. but latelel
s ‘l ' wealth-
uwlierev the judge islasc'erlaiaing the
’Wudenmt onbidl ”settle. people (as
Jaded Holmes aisles in. "When be ex-
ercises that teaches he has no right to
let his political phllltlbpliy reverse and
thwart the will at the.mlljority. in
that function the judge must represent
the people or he falls in the test the nut
promo court has laid down. Take the
wurbiaen'a compensatienact here in
New York. The legislators gave us a
law in the interest of humanity and
decencyapdl‘fair dealing. in so doing
they «presented the people and repre-
sented them well. . several judges de-
clared that law constitutional la ulll'
state. and several'courts in other states ,
declared similar laws constitutional.
and the supreme court of the nation de-
elated it similar law «fleeting men in
interstate business constitutional. but
the highest court ill the state of New
York. the court of appeals, declared
that we. the people of New York. could g
at have such a law. i hold that in:
t is case the legislators and the judges
alike occupied representative positions
The difference was merely that the for .
mar represented as well and the latierl
represented as ill. Remember that the ,
legislators promised that law and were1
returned by the people partly in couw i
milieu“ in the People. ,
fur. Taft again and again. in quelu~x
lions l have given and elsewhere
through his speell expresses his dis
belief in the people when they vote at
the polls. in one sentence he says
that the proposition gives "powerful
effect to the momentary impulse of n l
majority of an electorate and prepares l
the way for the lmsible exercise of
ihe-gmsost tyranny." Elsewhere he
speaks of the "feverish uncertainty“
and “unstable determination" of laws
by "temporary and changing majorl-
tiea." and again he says that the syn
lent l propose "would result in semen
nice or applicallotl of constitutional
guarantees according to popular whim."
which would destroy "all possible coa-
alsteary" in constitutional inlerpretw
lieu. i should much like to know the
exact distinction that is to be made
between what sir. Taft calls "the dtfui
impulse of a temporary majority"
when applied to a question such as
that i raise and any other question
Remember that under my proposal to.
review a rule of decision by popular!
vote. amending or construing. to that i
extent. the constitution. would certain i
Iy take at least two years from the
time of the election of the legislature
which passed the act. Now. only four '
mouths elapse between jlle nomination l
and the election of a than as president l
to fill for four years the mint ltllpor l
taut olive in the land. in one of Mr
'i‘sfl'a speeches he speaks of "thei
voice of the people as coming next lui
the voice of lied." Apparetilly.-tiien.i
the decision of tile people about the!
presidency. after four moatiis' dellber l
ation. is to be treated tot "next to file;
voice of God." hilt if tifl’er two years!
of sober thought they decide that we 1
men and children shall be protected ill 3
i
industry. or uleu protected from execs l
sive hours of labor undel- uuhynienic;
conditions. or wugeworkern compen
sated when they lose life or limb lul
the service of others. then their due
alon forthwith becomes ll'Wlllm" and .
“feverish" and "unstable" and an on i
urcise of "the grimmeat tyranny" and?
the “laying of the as to the mot'of the
tree of freedom."
Uaiwark of Privilege.
it seems absurd to speak of a can
clusioa reached by the people afldrtwu
yenrs' deliberation. after thrashing the
matter out before the legislature. after
thrashing it ollt before the governor.
after thrashing it out before the court
and by the coat. and then. after full
debate for folir or six months. as "the
fllful impulse of a temporary major
liy.“ if Mr. Taft's language correctly
describes each 'ttctlon by the people
than he himself and all other presl.
dents have been clot-ted by “the limit
impulse of a temporary majority."
then the constitution of each state and
the constitution of the nation. have
been adopted. and all amendments
thereto have been adopted. by "the ill.
ful impulse of a temporary majorlty.‘
if he is right it was “the iltful impulse
ofa temporary majority? which found
perpetuated this nation. - Dir. Taft’s po-
~eltioa is perfectly clear. it lethal we
have in this country a special class of
persons wiser than thd people. who are
above ' the people. who cannot be
reached by the people. but who got
em them and ought to govern them.
and who protect various classes of the
people from the whole people. That is
the old. old doctrine which has been
acted upon for thousands of years
abroad and which here in America has
been acted upon sometimes openly.
sometimes secretly. for forty years by
many men in public and in private life
and i am sorry to any by many judges:
a doctrine which has in fact tended to
create 'a bulwark of privilege. it but
work unjustly protecting special inter»
esta against the rights of, the people
ali'n whole. This doctrine is to me a
dreadful doctrine. for its effect is and
can only be to make the courts the
«shield of iaivilege' against popular
fights. .‘Niltlll'llly every upholdin- anti?
beneficiary of crooked privilege loudly
.anpisuds the doctrine. it is behind the
shield of . that doctrine that clonal-o
clauses creep into" nwsrlhat‘ .men at
‘ "news humidified-italics.
M's very much amid of the
i‘ majorities}. 'i-‘or tw'enty
~loaophy on the beach. the right to pro-
‘ and clergy-thou and of every executive
ed and another iitful-‘impuise willc‘li- ,
,forvrilrduntil ltrbccomea a ruling force
intimate and not the..,whlnl of the
"due palaces" clause {unlit-«urbane
workmen's compensation lief. ‘lll in" the
tenement llOlth' t'ln’ili‘ factory case—ill
all these lttlii many other cases we have
been drilled by small minorities. by a
new worthy than or h’l'iillg political pill:
fact our luiopic in their lives. illeir‘llli-
erty and their pursuit of happiness. As
for "collnlslcilcy"-wily. the record of
the courts in such a (11:40 as the income
tax. for instance. is so full of incon-
sistencies as to make the fear cxpresw
ed of “inconsistency" on the part of
the people seem childish.
Well moaning. short sighted persons
have field up their hands in horror at
my proposal to allow the people them-
selves lo construe the constitution
which they themselves made. Yet this
b precisely what the Association of the
Bar of the City of New York proposed
to do in the concurrent resolution
which was introduced at their request
into our legislature on .lan. lli last pro»
posing to amend the state constitution
by a section reading as follows: “Noth- ;
lug contained ill this cotistllulion shall}
be construed to limit lhe [anvil-rs of tile :
legislature to enact laws" such as thin
workmeu's couipcasullnn act. In olhcr :
words. the New York liar unwriflllou“
quence of such promise. That judg- is proposing to appeal to the people to ; There 1. no act of government which
meat of the people silould‘not hovel construe the constitution ill such a ,
been set a Id i it w r-l r ii a I ‘ ill dl ti lh urt "mm 1” ”mum “m" “‘9" “M"
" a “” 9"“ e '* r ' ° " ' way ” w rec y "WW“ e co ‘ . tion. and. if the courts are to cease to
i
They are proposing to appeal front the .
highest court of the state to the people. i
That is just what i propose to do. .
The Columbus speech. :
Remember, l tiiil not dismissing the.
recall of judges. although i wish it“
distinctly understood that the recall is .
a mere piece of machinery to take the .
place of the unworkable impeachment 1
which hlr. Taft In effect defends and 1
that if the dflya'of Maynard ever come
back again in the slate of New York.
i should favor il. l have no wish to
come to it. but our opponents. when
they object to all efforts to secure'reai 1
justice from the courts. are strength-
ening the bands of those who demand .
the recall.
1 stand on the Columbus speech. The
principles illeri- asserted are not new. 3
but i believe that they are llcccssnry ;
to the maintenance of free democratic i
government. The part of my speech in E
which i advocului the right of the!
people to be the dual arbltcrs of what .
is due process of law in the case of
statutes enacted for the general will.
fare will ultimately. i am confident. he
recognized as giving strength and sup-
port lOille courts instead of being rcv- l
olullonary anti subversive. The courts .
today one the country no. greater or!
clearer duly than to krep their hands
off such statutes when they have any
reasonably permissible relation to the
public good. .
My remedy is not the result of n
ilbtnry study of constitutional law. but
of actual and long continued experi-
ence in the use of governmental power
to redress social and industrial evils.
Again and again earnest workers for
social justice have said to me that the
most serious obstacles that they have
encountered during the many years
that they have been trying to save
American women and children from
destruction in American industry have
been the courts. That is the judg
ment of almost all the social workers
i know ntld of dozens of parish prim“
l and legislator who has been seriously;
attempting to use government as mil
agency for social and industrial better ,
meat. What is the result of this eye-
tcln of judicial tlltiilflcatloll‘i It was;
accurately stated by the court of up"l
penis of New York in the employ-era's
liability case. where it was calmly
and judicially declared that the people .
under our republican goventmenl are1
less free to cancel the evils that on-:
pressdilrtu than are the people of the;
montlrcllles of Europe. To any man,
with vision. to any tuna with broad? an instrument. to be used until broken
and real social sympathies. to any man 1
who believes with all his heart in this:
great democratic republic of ours. such
a condition is intolerable. it is not;
government by the people. but more;
sham government. in. which the will oil
the people is defeated. l regard it as;
,monsirous that a beach of judgeoshnli
then My to the people. “You must brain 1
all ercr again. First amend your con-l
atliniion iwlucli will take four yemlzi
second. secure the passage of a new
law [which will take two years more]:
third. carry that new, law over the
weary course of litigation [which will
take no butnalsbelng known how long]:
fourth. submit the whole matter over
again to the very same judges who
have rendered the decision to which
you object. Then. 'if. your patience holds
out and you finally prevail. the will of
the majority of .the people may have
its way." Such a system is not popular
government. but a mere mockery of
popular government. “it is a system
framed to maintain and perpetuate eo-
cial injustice. and it can be defended
only by those who disbelleve in the
people. who do not trust them and. i
am afraid I must add. who have no
real and living sympathy with them as
they struggle for better things. in lieu
of it i 'pmloec a practice by which the
will of a majority of the people. when
they have determined upon a remedy.
shall. if their will persists for a mini:
mumperlod of two years. go straight
distiller fiemreilsly propose to provide.
that auilclent time be «taken to smile
sure that the remedy expresses the
will. the sober and well thought out
Double. but when that ‘l‘ii’lail‘eea anti-r .
tallied l tun not willing thatjthti will.
of the people shall he wastrel“ ~
“mm—W“...
lisb making peoples since linens.
Charts." Until within the last sixty
years they were treated as having
specific meanings. "Properly" meant
tangible properly; "liberty” meant
freedom fioln personal restraint or. in
other words. from Imprisonment in its
largest definition. About 1810 our
courts began to attach to these terms
new meanings. Now "property" has
come to mean every right of value
which'a person could enjoy. and "lib-
erty" has been made to include the
right to make contracts. As a result.
when thi stale limits the hours for
which womcn'may. labor it .is told by
the courts that: this law deprives them
of their “liberty." and when it re'
stricts the manufacture of lohdcco in
a tenement It is told that the but de-
prives the landlord of his “property."
Now. I do not believe that any people.
rah 0M4- n.-
EASTER your “
Savannah Line
to the most Picturesque City of in
South -
. March ”April 1. 1012 -
NEW YORK T0 SAVANNAH
and Return _
lncludingauto tour of Savannah and
2 1-2 days’ hotel accommodations.
Ask us for particulars.
J. M. LAYTON a Ca.
Agents
5 Railroad Ave. South Norwaik. Ct.
and especially our free American peov
pie. will long consent that the term
"liberty" shall be defined for them by
a beach of judges. Every people has
defined that term for itself in that
course of its historic development. 0: '
course it is plain enough to see that.
in a large way. the political history of
man may be grouped about those three
terms. “life. liberty and properly."
treat them as words having a limited.
specific meaning, then our whole gov~
ernlnentis brought antler the practical.
ly irresponsible supervision of judges.
As against that kind of government
1 insist that the people have the right
and can be trusted to govern them.
selves.
People Carnot Turn Back.
1
i prefer to work with moderate. with i
Intional conservatives. provided ouly‘l
that they do in good faith strive for. .
ward toward the light. But when they ‘
halt and turn their backs to the light ‘
and sit with the scorners on the seals i
l
of reaction then i must part company
with them. We the people cannot turn E
back. Our aim must be steady. wise j
progress. it would be well if our peo-
l
pie would study the history of a sister 3
republic. All the woes of France for ii 5
century and a quarter have been due i
to the folly of her people in splitting ‘
This our opponents deny. and l
the issue In sharply drawn between us. -
h " mm W l“
“The Place?
0
into the two camps of unreasonable:
conservatism and unreasonable radical-
thcm up all would have gone well.
But the beneficiaries of privilege. tile
Bourbon reactionaries. the siiorlsight-
ed ultra conservatives. turned down
: Target and then found that instead of i
him they had obtained llobespierre.
'They gained twenty years' freedom;
from all restraint and reform at the
cost of the whirlwind of the red let»
rot. and in their turn the unbridled ey-
trenllirfs of the terror inducer! a bllpd
'renclioa. and so. with convulsion and:
oscillation from one extreme to fill-
iciiliam and violent Bonrbonlsm. 11hr
French people went through tulsci'y l
. toward a shattered goal. There is no;
1 danger of a ret oluliou in this country. 3
but there are grave discontent anti un-
' rest. and in order to remove them there
" is need of till the wisdom and prnllily i
t. and deep settled faith ill and purpose 3.", Deposit Box" ‘3 and $5 p". year
1 to uplift humanity We have at ottr COIll~ ;
maud. .
Social and industrial Justice.
Friends. our task'ns Americans is to
l strive for social and industrial justice.
achieved through the genuine rule of
the people. in order to succeed we
need leaders of inspired idealism. lend~
era to whom are granted great visions.
who dream greatly and strive to make
their dreams come true. who can kin-
dle the people with the are from their
own homing souls. The leader for the
time being. whoever he may be. is but
and then to be cast aside. and if he is
worth his- salt he will care no more
when he is broken than a soldier
cares when he is sent where his life is
forfeit in order that the victory may
be won. in the long light for right-
eousness the watcilword for all of as
is spent! and be spent. 'it is of little
matter whether any one mau‘ falls or
succeeds. but the cause shall not fail.
for it is the cause of mankind. We
here .ia America hold in our hands the
hope of the world. the fate of the com-
ing years. and shame and disgrace
will he ours "in our eyea'the light of
high resolve is dimmed. if we trail in
the dust the golden hopes of men. it
on this new continent we merely build
another country of great but unjustly
divided material prosperity we shall
have done nothing. and we shall do as
little if my merely set the greed of
envy against the greed of amgance
and lbeteby destroy the material well
being of all of us.
Against All Tyranny.
We stand against all tyranny: by the
s
few or by the many. We stand for the"
rule of the many la-tile interest of all
of as. for tho~rule of the many in ii ,
spirit of courage. of common sense. of
high purpose-«above all. in a spirit of
kindly justice toward every. man and
every women. We not merely admit;
but insist. that there mutt-be" self con.
trol oaths part of the people. that they
must. keenly perceive their own duties
as well as the rights of others. bitt we
also insist that tllil people can dounlh.
lug unless they no; illemiy‘,hu\’e but
exercise to the fall their own rights
The worth of our at experiment tie
pends upon list sit in plaid faith an
expvl‘imentetlle first llllltflliilll . «vi-t.
bran tried-4n true detllocracy‘oa the
scale of ti continent. on a scale its vast
ll! of the lllljflillt'lif ‘emplrorillf the
, lint w this Is a noble ideal.
ills worthwllllelo- . _.
militiamen .- '
ism. liad prerevqutionary l-‘rance lls-l
xtened to men like Target and backed ispl'llig Styles $3.50 54
"Ladies White Nubuck
l ~v Shoes $3.50
4 TWO STORES
{Norwalk South Norwalk
. City National Bank
« other. with aliernaiions of violent l‘iltl- ETRANSACTS A GENERAL BANKIN6\\
l eusmess AND orraae eveav
FACILITY CONSISTENT
WITH souun
BANKING
; Capital Surplus and Profits
; 610030000 $117,000.00
; EDWIN H. MATHEWSON, Pres.
3. JOHN H. KNAPP. 1st Vice-Pres.
' FREDERICK H. ROWAN, 2d Vice-
Pres.
; WILFRED BODWELL, Cashier
f nl‘Rt-zcroas
' E.7H. Mathewson .l. Wallace Marvin
fJohn H. Knapp John H. Light
gChrlstian Swartz Fred. H. Rowan
-Samuel Grumman Lewis R. Hurlbutt
‘ Henry 3. Lockwood
Daily Line to N. Y.
For FREIGHT Only
Freight Proneilers leave Pier
28. East River. New York (foot _
of Dover streetlrever'y day (ex-
cept Sunday) at 3 p. m. Freight
received at Norwsllt up to i p.
m. and South Not-walk up to 5&30
‘p. in.
Norwalk " Steamboat Company
Arming .l. south. 0. c. Housman,-
Lesaea. General Agent.
idovliclt , Optical Co.
v .
svzsaxauman FREE _
AND cusses eusaaurraa
Open Monday and Saturday evenings.
UNITED BANK BUILDING,
doutll Net-walk.
. listpitl‘euim
ti ILflulII‘ ,
"late («in
minimum
Norwalk Chronicler