SUPPLEMENT. _ assurances CANDIDATES. FOR PRESIDENT : RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. FQR VICE PRESIDENT : WILLIAM A. WHEELER. TO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 'Address of the National Committee— 'rne Satisfactory Resin er'fi‘e‘ this Elections— The Natibndi Candidaths the Representative! of the "lies5 Spirit of 'leform. HaADousarsas RirunmoAs NarrosAr. Conmrras, Firrn Amos HOle, Naw 10111:, October 19, 1876. The Republican National Committee con- gratulate the party which they represent and the country upon the result of the Fall elections already held. In Maine, 9. Repub- lican majority of less than M thousand has been increased to nearly sixteen thousand. In Vermont, the old ascendency has been fully maintained. In Colorado, 9. Democratic majority of two thousand has been overcome, and aRepublican Governor and both branches. of the Legislature elected,securing two United ‘States Senators and three Presidential Elec- tors. In Ohio, a Republican majority of 5,500 has been increased to between nine and ten thousand, and five Republican Con- gressmen have been gained. in Indiana, a Democratic majority of 17,000 has been re- duced to 5,000, with a gain of four Republi- can Congressmen and the Legislature upon joint ballot. These highly gratifying results have been obtained in the face of frauds at the ballot-box and an unparalleled use of money by the opposition. They show the drift of popular sentiment, and elearly indi- onto a national victory for the Republican party in November. All that is now necessary is to continue the vigorous prosecution of the canvass, to secure protection for all citiaens in the right of the ballot, to bring all legal voters to the polls, and to practice the utmost vigilance upon the day of election. Fortunately for the country, our candi- dates represent the best spirit of reform, to which they are pledged by every act and utterance of their lives. Their success alone will insure honest administration and pre- serve the Government from the unfriendly hands of those who recently sought to de— stroy it, and who now seek to prey upon its resources. Z. CnAansR, Chairman. R. C. MoConmoK, Secretary. _..__._.....__._ The Public Credit. Already European capitalists-are becoming alarmed at the mere possibility of the elec- tion of Tilden and of the , Democratic party getting control of the Government. The New York Times, of October 20, says: “There is nothing improbable in the report that foreign members of the funding syndicate refer with apprehension in their correspond- ence to the possible contingency of Demo- cratic success and its effect upon the public credit;” and adds, “the report harmonizes so well with what was previously known upon the subject that it cannot excite any reasonable surprise.” [2 does, however, cause alarm. With a vast array of Southern claims pressing upon Congress, and only awaiting a change of government to secure their pay- ment, the public credit under Democratic rule would 'fall even below what it was under President Buchanan, when a tax of twelve per cent. was exacted by capitalists ' on_ loans made to the Government to meet the ordinary expenses of his ad- ministration. In short, the entire finan- cial achievements of the Republican With the party would be overthrown. public credit destroyed there could be no more of the Government securities funded at 4} per cent., or. sold even at 6 or 7 per cent. The bonds now held abroad would be hastily returned to the United States for redemption or sale, and a wide- spread financial crisis would follow, accom- panied with disaster and ruin. “Theindus- try and commerce of the country,” as the Timcefemarks, “would stagger under the load. The funding process would be at an end for this generation, and Government securities would be below par. And this, serious as it maybe in itself, is not the worst. The “solid South” would press their own claims, and, being in control of the Government, would find means of ob- taining payment as long as the people could be made to bear the imposition of taxes to meet thepayment of these demands. The Treasury being thus exhausted, repudiation of the State debt, and finally, the National debtitselt, would follow. In fact, wherever they have control now the work of State debt repudiation has already been com meuccd. Their treatment of the State debts of Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, North Car- olina, Tennessee, and Virginia aflcrd de- grading evidence of the spirit of Democratic repudiation. “As a body,” says the New York Times, and their own acts corroborate the statement, “the Southern Democrats are repudiators of all obligations or claims not held by themselves.” ___..__*.——-—-—. VVHAT A Soun Souru Manna—Is there a man who complains of hard times and high taxes? Let such a man reflect that the success of the soild South means nothing less than the payment of rebel claims to an amount which would more than double our national debt and which could never be paid without doubling the national taxes. \To ~av. nothing of other terrible consequences, “10 ”lb-“nu of ’l‘ilden would bankrupt the‘ ””1““? a9“. 1‘“ “d- a select few of the peo- ple in 1t. ' ‘ - «xi-4% 1., THE NEw CONSPIRACY. What is nlieant by the ileutoratiou of tlie Confederate Democracy to Ppwer. The Vital Issues of 1876 Consider-ed, The surrender at Appomattox closed the war and yielded the dominion of the Con- federacy to the undisputed authority of the National Government; but in the transfer of the conflict from the field to the forum the nation was confronted with consequences of the struggle as grave and momentous as the war itself. ‘ Eleven States were‘found in social and political chaos and all form of civil government therein destroyed. The highest considerations of statesmanshi and sound policy dictated that they shou be speedily reconstructed and restored to their constitutional relations to the Union; but how was this to be accomplished 7 Four millions of emancipated slaves and five mil— lions of disloyal citizens may be said to have comprised the entire population out of which the proposed governments were to be formed. In the nature of things the conduct of the late Confederate in this new and wholly changed relation of citizenship became a subject of anxious inquiry. He had surren- dered the sword of rebellion at home and the arts of diplomacy abroad, and sworn to re- new his allegiance; but could he be trusted to found free and loyal governments on the basis of a complete and veritable freedom for all, and to aid in securing within those States the reSults of the nation’s victory! rALss TEACHINGS. Unfortunately there was little in his ante- cedents to inspire confidence. The educa- tion that made secession and rebellion easy had imbued his mind with the most perni- cious heresles. The disciple of Calhoun, or the devotee of Davis, Slidell, and Yancey, he was indoctrinated with a measure of po- litical poison which the fire of battle intensi fied and consecrated rather than destroyed. These teachings constituted his very best conception of the nature of the Government and his rights and duties as a citizen. The impracticability of maintaining them by re- bellion was settled, but the (ice ~seated con- viotions which prompted that e ort remained unchanged. Yet, notwithstanding these embarrass- ments which attended the experiment of re- construction and made wise and prudent men falter in the adoption of a policy, the sworn enemy, who had just’surrendered his treason with a broken heart .and had given no evidence that he could be trusted as a worthy citizen, was promptly restored to all the rights and privileges he had forfeited, and the States he was destined to control were readmitted to the Union with largely increased political power. THE vrrAL Issus. But there were national considerations quite as vital as those peculiarly local to the South. In 1861 the Representatives in Con- gress from the slave States numbered 74 against 159 from the States then free, while under the present apportionment they have 106 to 185 from the North. Thus, a solid Southern vote, which the Democracy have determined to secure in the election next November at all hazards, with only 40 Rep- resentatives from the North, will give the it will require only 10 votes from the North to also give it control of the Senate. Ac- cording to this basis it will be seen further- more that with the addition of only 47 elec- toral votes to the 138 belonging to the South that section will be enabled to elect a Presi- dent and Vice President and enter upon ab- solute control of the Government. It was this alarming possibility, which now pre- sents itself in a practical and threatening form, that made men doubt the wisdom of any system of Southern restoration which might ever enable the rebel citizen to gain the ascendancy and take possession of the Republic. A brief experience of ten years has demonstrated that the fears and misgiv- ings of those times were indeed well founded. Not content with the usurpation of authority in half the States of the South by means that trample under foot every essential prin- ciple of reconstruction and hold the laws of God and man in utter defiance, they propose now, by the same nefarious system, to usurp the authority of the nation. This being the manifest spirit of the com- bined master element of the South, which to-day is“better organized and more thor- oughly united and determined than at any time since it surrendered on the field, it is pertinent to inquire with what temper it ap- proaches the National Capital. SLAVERY vaasus rnsnoon. It is well known that two distinct sets of ideas have long divided the North and the South; The (North has ever been jealous of her institutions of freedom and protected all her citizens alike in their enjoyment. Free- dom of speech, freedom of political thought and action under the widest latitude, and a patriotic, paramount loyalty to the nation have been held as cardinal tenets among her people. The South has ever been exclu- sive, intolerant, illiberal, domineering, and sectional. Hei- inheritance of freedom was subordinated to the more “sacred” inher- itance of slavery, by which every principle of Government, every right and duty of the citizen, and every sentiment of loyalty and striotism was determined. The National overnment was regarded only as an instru- ment to be manipulated for the protection and extension of the “diyine” institution; and when at last an indignant and outraged people protested against this high abuse, the Government was declar’ a failure and its dissolution demanded. BOURBONISM ALIVE AND DerAs'r. But we are told that the sad lessons of the war and the correcting influences of time, accompanied by a wholly changed condition of afi'airs, have worked a corresponding im- provement in the sentiments and aspirations of the Southern Democracy, and that they may now be as fully trusted with all the in- terests of the Government as the loyal men of the North who have ever been its friends. Would that an impartial inquiry, seeking only to find the truth, might sustain this as- upon personal experience and observation, with the temper of the old slaveholding ele- ment of the South and its expectations staked upon Democratic asceudency, shows that no more dangerous and fatal delusions could be entertained. ’Tis‘trne, slavery and secession, the primal causes of Southern alienation, are dead and buried, but it 'is equally true that their authors and advocates and terrible conse~ quences still, survive. The Hills, Gardens, and Lunars, who led the Confederates into rebellion with enthusiastic ardor, continue .\_ ' South undisputed control of that body, while, sumption; but a familiar acquaintance, based [FAG-511111.11 or run OFFICIAL 311.1..1 44TH CON G RESS, lsr SESSION. “3 no ‘3“. [Brintcr’s No, 2491. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FEBRUARY 28, 1876. Read twice, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed. Mr. RIDDLE, on leave, introduced the following bill: A. 311.41.. Directing compensation to be allowed for the use and occupation of property by the United States Army during the late war. com-Imcvtaeowm l--‘ O 11' 1‘2. fact of the. use and occupation of such property by said 13 Army. But it is- not the. intention of this act to limit the 14 parties to the amount of proof herein specified; but other and . 15 I additional testimony may be taken to establish the fact of the 16 use and occupation, and the rental value of the property 1 7 occupied. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- tives of the, United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of War he, and he is hereby, authorized, to allow reasonable compensation to all citizens of the United States for the use and occupation of their property by the United States Army, or any part thereof, during the late civil war, in the same manner and under the same regulations as compensation is now allowed for quartermaster stores used by said Army: Provided, however, That the affidavit of the claimant, supported by the competent testimony of any reputable. citizen, shall be sufficient proof to establish the REMARKS. The foregoing bill and the following, introduced by Mr. Wilshire, of Arkansas, and equally sweeping in its provisions, are intended to embrace all claims for property or supplies of every character used ‘ or destroyed by the immense army of the Union, which during four years marched and encamped upon Southern soil. Their estimated aggregates But the vast and ruinous schemes of plunder proposed under these bills are greatly increased by the aggregates of other bills or schemes of like character—all proposed by the Confederate Democracy at the last- session, and all for the benefit of disloyal persons debarred under our present laws from relief before the Southern Claims Commission—such as the bill of Mt. Scales, of North Carolina, (H. R. 3145,) a» refund to the disloyal States the direct tax collected under the act of August 5, 186l, amounting to 02,493,100; such as H. planter the tax levied on raw cotton during the years 1865, 1866, and 1867, amounting to $68,072,088; such as the relief bills in special cases, one hundred and forty-one in number, introduced in the House at the last session, as the proposition of Mr. Johnston, of Virginia, covering the claims 0! two hundred and six citizens of Loudon county, Va., and that of Mr. Merrimon, of North Carolina, in the Senate, for the repeal of section 3480 of the Revised Statutes for the benefit of claimants to sums accruing prior to April 13, 1861, but who forfeited their claims, by their acts of rebellion, and all amounting to $2,- are immense, 92,410,326,000l 181,497. To recapitulate: Refunding direct tax under. law of 1861 ..... Special relief bills......... Refunding cotton tax ........ . ............. . ..... Property and supplies destroyedor used ..... . Or in round numbers no amount equal'to the national debt at the close of the rebellion. And these are but a moiety'of what will follow in the event of Tilden’s election, necessarily overwhelming the GOVernment and nation in hopeless ruin. .......................................... R. 232, proposing to refund to the cotton 82,661,776 2,181,497 ............. 68,072,088 ............... 2,410,326,000 $2,483,241,361 1.1.-1.v- lust..— ”an; M»— w... . to be their chosen leaders, and are supported with all the zeal and devotion of former days. The loss of thousands of their bravest sons and millions of treasure, with ruined homes and universal impoverishment and sorrow inflicted upon them, has not taken a scintilla of their confidence from the authors of their misfortunes. And why? Simply for the reason that they still believe the “ Lost Cause” to have been just and righteous, and hold it in afl’ectionate remembrance as the palladium of their lost liberties.*' 'The South is today ruled over by the miserable thrall of Yankeedom: but they cannot muscle our chivalry and patriotic devotion tothe"Lost Cause." We have fought for our rights. but in God's dispen- sation we are vanquished, but not cowe'd. Slavery was a divine instltutlou, and we must have that in- stltutlou or the South will ever be banal-slot. The speak ofour cause as the “Lost Causefl" f so, she it he lost forever? Noi Anew generation has I rung up. and at a not re:- distant day there will be stars and bars" floating proudly over our‘suuuy South. In ‘the next polit cs campaignwe must. even If in the minority, support a Southern man who will build up our interests and hurl the Tankee piclpockete fiom our midst. We are to-csy uulted to the Puri- lamcal host by an artificial tle; but we are a distinct people, and God and the rlght will enable us to show to t e World the truth and the equity of our claims. Our statesmen now in Congress are t e cream ef that bodgjand are the cal element that reflects credit on the nlted States. s it not better to hang on te the u'Lost Cause“ than to stay in a overnmeut of cor- ruptson i—[Extract from an ad ress delivered by Rev. J. Taylor Martin, at Charlotte, N. 0., May 5, 1878. Confederate memorial day. 1 We how not in the s lrlt of cravene; and while we bend to the ”ill her- aw“ author“ , that ollutes our Republic as ransmitted to us y our thers. respect for ourselves. our posterity, and the goed opinion of mnuklnd forbid our enrolling ourselves as the whlnln slaves er silent slaves of t e conquer- ing ower. e have surrendered none ef our cou- vlct on: and stm claim the right ofvlndicatlonl in looking been. at our past set us and motives, and the wrongs we have sulered d 'are still suflering, we confess that we have no regrets for the choice we made between the “higher-law" license of majorl- tles in the Union and the sacred secsrlt of self- overumeut u the States—between the Fe oral and onfeuerate Soverumeuts.‘ e are not conscious of a solitary WefdltIeltherss We: The politician who seeks their favor, and has exhausted every other expedient without success, can appeal to this fond sentiment with unerring assurance. It is the senti- ment of the hustingsfthe church, and the school, and unites society in its tender ties as the only remaining emblem of common sufferings in a common cause._ Every idea of human liberty, every principle by which they would govern the State and the Nation, every sense of justice toward their fellow- men, every conception of their duty as citizens, and every hope they have for them- selves or for the nation, is limited by the soldiers, and feel that truth, reason exculpate us from wrong-doing. We lmow we were right. and thou Is crushed to earth we should ever_ remember. ano Gauss: WAs J's'rl and 10 in the s ht we made. Posteritywill yet‘ decl e t at, then; we lost all but honor. to save honor it was better to have too lit and lost than not to have fought at sli.—[Extrac from an address by ex-Geveruor Benjamin G. Humphrles of Missis- sippi, before a reunion of the 13th Mississlp l Cou- federate infantry. at Meridian. November £2, 1875. Governor Humphries was a Confederate ma or- general, and was elected Governor of Mississipp in ”Sand served until 1868, when he was again nom- inated for that since. He is robsbly the most pop- ular Demoerat In that State. The well-intended efforts of a few patriots to kindle a July enthusiasm yes'erday met with indif- ferent success. One single flag was displayed on a rope stretched across Rhodes street. opposite the European House, and a pretty display 0 lltle flags abou the entrance of the European constituted the display of hunting. We saw but one man who had imbibed patriotic whisky enough to get staggerln drunk. fter the stars and stripes were (“cpl-ye there was a purpose, whlch came of a sudden m- pulse. to fling the Confederate flag to the breeze by thesideofit. Prudence revnlled.however because, Eon know, Phil. Sheri an's on horseback in this ldlng. But, had that glorious banner been unfurled there would have been such a bubbling. boiling, bursting enthusiasm as would have set this town glow. The liberty our people love is the liberty the onfederate fl sented—State rights and coal endureliglon, , sch our children to remember, 01m ' ' We are still proud cf'the cause ' ag re re immigrnmen .-&erldisn (Ilsa) Mercury, July traditions, teachings, and prejudices of the Past; and to dissent from these and adopt the more enlightened and progressive views . of the North meets with a visitation of cal- umny, denunciation, and proscription that the most courageous men will shrink from encountering. WAR or INVASION AND VANDAmsx. Kindred to this feeling, and to add to its intensity, is a deep sense of the imagined injuries inflicted by the North. The war is looked upon as a savage vandalism, which despoiled their property, murdered their sons, and suppressed their dearest rights wholly without cause—a crusade of oppres- sion and robbery/that perpetrated the most atrocious wrongs upon an unofi'ending, in- nocent, and blameless people; and this belief in the great wrongs of the North and their own unmerited suffering is as strong to—day as it was ten years ago, and stubbornly refuses to be reconciled except upon its own terms. now run srruArxox 1s ACCEPTED. If the modifying influence of time has perceptibly improved this well known tem- per it is difficult to discover the character or extent of the change. In every instance where new conditions have beeen prescribed . they have been accepted only in empty form and no further than the force of necessity re— quired, and the best is regarded only as an unmixed evil and is pointed to as evidence of continued Northern innovation and op- pressmn. The thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments to the Constitution were ac— cepted only in this spirit, and are endured under a standing protest and menace which holds them in utter disregard and contempt. As was said by the Mobile Register, (Demo- cratic,) in its issue of 14th of June last, “those amendments to the Constitution stand a reproach to the honor and discretion of the country.” But beneath this superficial recognition of right principles the cherished sentiments of a lifetime of hostility to free institutions and national supremacy, and the grievances of war, lie undiminished, and are but awaiting the opportunity to assert themselves without compromise in the administration of the Government. With this unconquerahle spirit defiant as ever in the Southern Democracy, it is not difficult to foreshadow their inexor- able policy. Maddened by defeat, desperate of impoverishment, relentless in hostility, barren in principle, beggared in honesty, faithless in promise, and ravenous for the spoils of ofiice, their accession to power would signal an era of national prostitution, spoliation, and revenge unexampled in the histm'y of free governments. Traitors would succeed patriots in public places; the policy of the Confederacy supplant the policy of the nation; and retaliation upon the North'for its imagined wrongs, and payment of the South for its losses, become the controlling objects of their policy. This species of plun- der would be justified as a measure of peace, reconciliation, and justice, and the reorgan- ization of the Government under the Confed- erate theory be demanded to restore to the South the constitutional rights and liberties wrenched from her by a relentless enemy! Thus the victory of the nation in war would be turned into a triumph of treason in peace, and traitors be enabled to accomplish within the Union what they failed to with- out, and reward themselves from the national treasury for the losses entailed by their defeat. ‘ And let it not be said that this picture of the impending crisis is overdrawn. The present Confederate House has given us a fonetaste of a policy even more alarming and ruinous than has here been depicted, and at a time, too, when but one branch of Con- gress is in control of the Democracy, and it is impossible that their wicked schemes can be immediately realized. What, then, may not be expected when the South gets control of the Government, and intrenches itself in power as it did before the'war? A raw IMPORTANT rAc'rs. Some idea of the magnitude of the pro- posed raid on the Treasury may be formed by examining a few of the proposed “meas ures of relief” introduced in the House. The first in order is a bill presented by Mr. Scales, of North Carolina,‘ (H. R. 3145,) en- titled a “bill to refund certain direct taxes on land collected from citizens in the late in- surrectionary States under the act of August 5, 1861.” The law of 1861 levied a direct tax of $20,000,000, and apportioned the same among the several States, according to population, for payment. All of the States but those in insurrection assumed their quotas and paid them, excepting a. small balance still due. The amount apportioned to the South was as follows : States. Quota. Uncolleeted. Virginia .................. 7,550 366 North Carolina .......... 576.194 178:114 South-Carolina. . .. . . . . 363 570 140,869 Georg1a...... . 584. 367 509.160 Florida x 77,522 71,027 Alabama . 520,313 529,313 Mississipp 418,084 343,137 Louisiana . . . . seams 75,022 Texas .................... 355,016 197,065 Arkansas ................ 261,886 102,983 Tennessee ..... , .......... 609,498 66,664 Total ................ 5,153,886 _ 2,661,716 When the war closed the collection of this tax South was begun, and continued until July, 1866, when Congress passed an act suspending further collection until January 1, 1869. No efl’ort has been made to collect any portion of this tax since 1866, but, not satisfied with this generous and magnani- mous forbearance on the part of the Govern- ment, it is now proposed by Mr. Scales to refund to the tax-payers the 82,492,100 col- lected, alleging as reasons that said taxes “were taken from a people greatly impover- ished by the war, and wholly unable to pay the same, and that the burdens of taxation [may be made equal, and that all the people alikejin said States may be equally relieved by the act of suspension.” It seems not to have occurred to these selfish economists 't i: there remains still another “inequality o burdens” imposed by the crisis that de- manded this assessment that is not relieved by the bill in question. Not only did the loyal people of the North pay the bulk of the twenty millions of assessment, but mort- gaged their property and their sacred honor for two thousand six hundred millions more, and gave the priceless lives of half a million of their bravest sons to save the Union from destruction by those who are now asking for this relief. Who will repay their taxes and repair their losses 1’ By what system of gqgity and justice are they to be indemni- c . r111: COTTON-TAX JOB. Akin to this measure is the scheme to re- fund the tax collected on raw cotton in the
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