A. H. BYINGT ON a 00., - 7 AT TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE. PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING BY g. gaming prompt. gonna to first! “glows and gamma (bonus! goddamn, Quantum goblin, ggritultm, anionic, tau-cannula in 1300. .. ‘ VOLUME XLIVNUMBERQTI ».....,...-.‘.. n' 7.. . 1'; A. 11.; Brmoroiv; B; I; _, > UK. ‘ V " ‘-_._‘-. SubscriptiOn Rates. All Subscribers by Carrier, Mail, Post Riders 2mg)! Those fig‘ii‘isg’ genrt )2): Any Carrier’s District, if it one 'ear in advance .. . ClIi‘bis of sly): or more sent tb one address, to be paid-in advance, , 1 Single copiesffl cents.‘ . . ' Advertisin‘Ritc’l. ' ' s " ".insertion...,‘g 1.00’ oneu'qwl‘vl’ginsenions} ‘ . '_ .‘1’95 ~~ three insertions, I . 1 $2} “ was”; i = “a " W0, »= : r .. messianic ‘ . ‘ “ gkwmb',‘ I I 4 amu- “ ,9nereanerwith‘psper: 1800 $33333?“ 9?; ,Elhrsper. .9533: Onehalfic'éfglti,’ 08%;? ‘l' ’ “[00‘ One Column, one year-.152. . . . - 9-7600" more .. 193:1”;50’Q9mnfim. Emotions. :1 ,tt‘. 9.1.3. :.~ . ..'89§:fix.vht¥s.-Js ,. . e‘o chln tbs-AI; advertisements ages 11?; mcingthhstmdy 3%: men . .. «beset “gr: . =09: rob. . ‘-I'— ~ Ye 1 “s; a leistofJanuary'hJuly. Yegl; lfighgcggd tb the business contem- plated atthe time of contract. , . egos Escalation? Renew mammals-Special No- .i . . I . cen . . additional oaths, above. . . . ._., ,_’?§§ni3riiig§e_-miexiti- adhered «Mia Business :. oisuc'ronv. Norwalk East Oflce. 1 ' - rm: "eman- West 7.30 A. M..-2.30 P. M. East,8.,20 A. M.'--5.00 P.‘M. _ Danbiiry'. Q Norwalk Railroad 8.50 A. M. Westb’ fiReddin'g and Redding Ridge. i ues- dsyd’. li'ur'sdays and Saturdays, at 12 M. ms DUE. West 0.10 A. M.--6.00 P. M. East 8.20 A. M.-3.30~P. M. Danbury & N orwalk Railroad 8.00 A. M. ' ' ' ' roar OFFICE nouns. From 7.00 A. M. to 9.00'P. M. CHARLES OLMS’I‘EAD, r. M. NORWALK HOTEL, (LATELY THE ALLIS nousn,) EDWIN PECK, Pnornm'ron, A . LEASE of this well-known and popu- . lar. House having been purchased of Mr. Allis, will be continued, as heretofore, as a first class provincial Hotel. No pains ta- king or expense, will-be spared to render this in all rcspectsa quiet and genteel, as it is a beautiful rural retreat. Permanent. and transient guests accommodated upon reason- able terms. ' ’ W A good Livery Stable connected with the Hotel. . GREGORY’S POINTFf H O '1‘ E L, ‘ Norwalk, Conn. D. H. NUTTER, . . . . .Paorm‘nron; THE ALLIS noose, - (formerly Union House,) . I Opposite N. Y. & N. H. Depot, in Union-st., New 'Haven, Conn. L. P. ALLIS, Paornm'ron.' rr.n.1\sosrsnrr,rs. 3., ' Homeopathic Physician dt-Surgeon.’ ‘ Oflice over C. T. Cornwall’s Store, firstbuil- ding east of Norwalk Hotelp ' NORWALK, Conn. References Prof. J. Beakley, Dean of the Faculty, Prof. S. R. Kirby, Homeopathic Medical 001- no. macroeconpr --:; .~ - e. w. Swazey, nib; Springfield,- Mass. .21, . CYRUS neutrino-P. Attorney and. .‘Coiinsellc‘ir atlaw, Office opposite campaign 'Cnuicn, sourn'NORWALm'cONN‘. Jansen-mama“. SURGICAL AND MEOHANICAIJ D E N T 1.8 To Office at Residence, East Avenue, Norwalk,; Connecticut. Architecture. SIDN.E 2 M. STONE, ' ARCHITECT, Will furnish Plans, Specifications, Detail Drawings, and superintend the erection of public and private buildings. Office in Mar- ble Block, Chapel-st, New Haven, Ct. tf'52 E0. F. BELDEN, Norwalk, Conn.,Man- ufacturer of Tin, Copper, and Sheet Iron Ware; and dealer in Stoves, Ranges, Furnaces, Cutlery, Brittannia, Wooden and Willow Ware, Crockery; and a full assort- ment of House Keeping articles generally. E. BISSELL, Auctioneer, will give 0 particular attention to sales by Auc- tion, of Real Estate, Personal Property and. Household Furniture : terms low. WM! 00 STREET & ‘00s, - Importers; wholesale and retail dealers in nannwnna, snort. Steel Cutlery, Guns, Agricultural Imple5 meats, Oils, Paints, Window Glass, &c. 'C. S. LOCEWOOD, Fashionable Draper & Tailoi‘, and GENTLEMEN’S FURNISHING EMPOB IUM ! No. 3 Skiddy’s Block, Main-st, Norwalk, Ct. 0.3.VGE'UNAN, Dealer in Foreign and Domestic oar Goons, crarrriues, Carriage-Trimmings, Cloths, Cassimeres, Satiuetts, Vestings, and. Tailor’s Trimmings, by the Yard, Piece or Package. Sheetings, Sliirtings, Jeans, &c. At the lowest possile prices. ' 3 Norman, CONN' s. n. onus-smut «00., Wholesale and Retail Dealers in 14 and 16 Main-st, Norwalk, Conn. isms issuance contrast, or Word, Incorporated in 1819, Charter Perpetjpi. Cash Capital . Insure against loss said-image by Fire, on Terms-adapted to tbehozardmnd cousiitsut With the laws of compensation. GEORGE ROOWLES SoleAgent - _ 1y“ For Iiorwalk and vicinity. honoree f NORWALK, court, TUESDAY, JULY 2, 1861. ~w.- . » ,: ”‘i‘»‘»'f-"I‘A -,..}.V . 1 .1...‘ l 9 “l, ‘_ ":" ‘13- 1 n- - ,. ,- " mam“ Tfisfi‘fietaiifpenesin ,. m _ mint coins“! and Gents’ Furnishing Goods Of their. own . manufacture. . REMOVAL. HE officehf C. F. Moellcr’s Dyeing Es- : _ tablislfip‘ient’lias been 'I-RE'E'M O V E D ' than Mr. John F. _' Bennett’s, to Bunting’s Bakery, Main-st.,where he will be glad to " ;see-all7his old customers as well as ‘many x .T new'onesas-willgfavor him‘ with a call. 1 ': South. NorWalk,--_Chas.~R. Bennett; Winni- ‘ "punk, Joe. C. Rennie ' J ' . q. . .. ‘ . . . - Guttaallercha All India Rubber 5 amateur. noornsu. HIS aiticlehss been thoroughly tested by . ;;ibuild'ers, Architects, and~~otheis, and the experienceofyears has proved, it to be. the , cheapest and-most durable roofing in use. 'We call attention to the following facts : late—It is fire and water proof. 2d—From its great-elasticity it is not inju- riously affected by extremes of heat and cold. ,3d—‘It is adapted to all kinds of Roofs, whether steep or flat, and is not in want of ’ constant repairs, as is the case with metal and other roofs. - - 4th—The cost is only about One-Half of Tin, and it is twice as durable. It is readily applied to Old Shingle Roofs,. without removing the shingles, which is a great desideratum to parties who do not wish to. risk having their ceilings and furniture ru- ined, while repairs are being made. . Leaky Tin and Metal Roofs are readily re- that . paired with Gutta Percha Cement, and prevented from further corrosion and leaking thereby insuring a perfectly water-tight roof for many years. Specimensof the Roofing can be seen by calling on the subscriber, at South N orwalk. All orders by letter will receive prompt at- tention. D. F. HUNT, South Norwalk. INSURANCE. THE subscriber having taken the agency , of the New England Fire and Marine In- surance 00. of Hartford, is prepared to insure all kinds of property against loss or damage by, fire, on as accommodating terms as any other Company. The New England Fire and Marine Insu- rance Company has been recently established with a paid in capital of $200,000 and has a surplus of $6,295.00. . JOSEPH W. HUBBELL, Agent for Norwalk and vicinity. Norwalk, Feb. 1st, 1850. - t Cabinet Makers I At their Old Established Ware Rooms, East can the Bridge, OPPOSITE PHOENIX BLOCK. AVE now on hand the largest and best assortment of Cabinet Furniture,Chairs, Looking Glasses, Mattresses, etc, ever offered forsale in this place, which we have just pur- chased for cash, at extremely low prices, and intend to sell accordingly. We also keep constantly on hand, Ready ModeOofins of all sizes and descriptions, from ‘ the, most costly Rosewood to the plainest ever used.‘ . From ourlong e’xperieuce'in the Underta- ki .Business, we are confident we can give per'fectsatisfaction to all who may need 0;; services. ‘Groco‘ries Cheaper than ever 5 ‘ .1103. CHAS 3.! RE subscriber would inform the 'public . generally, that he still continues to sell ~the; best of Groceries, Provisions, etc, at his Old, stand, N o. 4 Skiddy’s Block, as cheap as the: cheapest. He offers great inducements to cashvbuyers, as he has as large an assort- ment of groceries of the best qualitiesas can be found at any store in the. country: He would invite the special attention of all to his stock of - . COFFEES, TEAS AND SUGARS, -_ which are of the very best quality, and Will be sold cheap. The public are invited .to call and examine and judge for themselves. A. MOREHOUSE. .SOUTH NORWALK ladies and Gents’ Boat (2 Shoe Store. " HE subscriber, having taken the business A I and stand of Stevens do Tristram, is pre- pared to supply eVery article to be found in a first clues Boot and Shoe Establishment, for In- dies, gentlemen, or children’s wear. Our goods are manufactured expressly for our own sales, and warrant all work sold by us. Always on hand, or made to order at short notice, Gents’ Patent Leather Boots, Shoes, die. ,- Ladz'es’ Gaiters, &G., d’:c. ; Children’s Gaiters, and Shoes, «to, die, «fie. Rubber goods ; a large stock kept constantly on hand. Repairing done neatly and expecte- entlg. HARVEY STEVENS. . South Norwa1k(No. 3, Ely’s Block), April 7, 1860. E ‘U B N I '.I.' ‘II' R E I _ HE subscriber is now prepared to offer to the public, at his old. stand, as good an assortment of ‘ Cabinet Furniture as can be found in Fairfield County, and at lower prices, FOR CASH, than the same uali of goods can be obtained at any other Estab ishment. The stock consists in part of . Marble Top, Extension, Dining, Card, and uartette Tables; Bookcases, Bureaus, Sofas, Tcte-a-tetc Lounges ; Mahog- any and Cane seat Chairs ; Gilt and Mahogany Frame Look- ing Glasses, &c., &c. OOFFIN WAREROOMS ,- whe're may be found a full assortment of Cof- fins, which will finished .m the best possible manner, and at short notice. _ ti” A hearse will be furnfhfiiig when de- sired. NOUD. Westport, May 1st, 1858. Hardware and Cutlery. Mechanic’s Tools, Farming Utensils, Guns, ' , Pistols, Iron andSteel, Window - Glass, Paints and\0i’ls. M. C. STREET & 00. have in store . and are constantly receiving direct from the manufacturers, a large suppl of Foreign and Domestic Goods, under the a ove dcnominations,which makes their assortment of articles suited to this market, equal to any in the State, and which will be sold either wholesale or retail on as favorable terms as can be purchased in New York. ~. WILLIAM'C.;STREET, A. H. WI‘LCOXSON. ~, . -. . Notice. HE subscriber having .. secured the agen- ‘cy for the sale of Finckledt Lyons Sew- i‘nvg Machine for the Towns of Norwalk, estport, Redding,Ridgefield, Wilton, New .Canaan, Darien and Stamford, he will be prepared to exhibit and operate said Machine in the course of the coming week. The Ma- its great range of work- chine, considerin Machine in existence; and any person wish- ing to get one will do well to wait a few days,when he can see and judge for himself. . ' ‘ , ‘ GEO. H. RANDLE. P. S.—The Machines may be seen in oper- ation at the Store of George Hoyt. A...“ Md .. . E. QUIN'I'ABD a SONS, , manship, is proba ly the best Family sewing- -.m ‘ . rLAe’ or (OUR COUNTRY! the glorious STARS AND STRIPES, In triumph shall wave. Union men can find the best quality of Ice Cream at ‘ Northrop’s Saloon. Families; Parties, Picnics, Fairs and Fes- tivals furnished with Oysters, Ice Cream, Cenfectionery. Jellies, Blane Mange, &c., at short nuti'ce, On reasonable terms at , NORTHROP’S SALOON, Main-st. Main Street, Oppo'siteNI. H. Csmpell’s Confectionery, MARVIN & PROWITT, Wholesale and retail Dealers in Hardware, Cutlery, Paints, Oils, Glass, Paper Hang- ings, Window Shades, &c. ' TIMBER! LUMBER! hath, Lime, Brick, Cement, Paints, Oils, Glass, BUILDERS’ HARDWARE, &C.. &C., AT THE N eW Lumber Yard, NEAR THE RAIL ROAD BRIDGE, SOUTH NORWALK. Our Stock ‘is new, bou ht for Cash, and will be sold low.‘ T LLES 6’5 ELY. South Norwalk, Oct. 15, 1860. tf42 A. JACKSON 6!. BRO. VVOULD respectfully announce to the public and their old customers, that they have recently made extensive additions to their stock of goods. We are now prepar- ed to offer an assortment not to be surpassed in Fairfield County, in quality or price. We would call particular attention to our stock of Watches,-which is larger than ever before.— We have a fine lot of adies’ Swiss Watches, in gold cases, at prices varying from $20 to $75, which we can rec'ommend as bcin cor- rect time keepers. Also, Gentlemen’sV atch- es, in silver and gold cases, at any price from $5 to $100. We buy of the best importers in New York, and altoaether for cash, so that our facilities for selling cheap could not be eater. Our stock of Jewelry, Silver and fated Wares was never better than at pres- ent, and comprises all of the latest styles that are manufactured. A. JACKSON do BRO. -Mr. J'. Hession, Professorof Music Is now prepared to re- new his course of instruc- tion to all those who may desire his services. Instructions given on the Piano Forte, Organ or Melodeon. Pianos tuned and repaired. All orders left at his residence, Main-st, and store of A. H. Camp, No. 17 Main-st'orwalk, will be promptly attended to. 1y32 House & Sign Painting, GILDING, GLAZING, do. do, - ' SOUTH NORWALK. HE subscriber will execute all orders in Plain or Ornamental Painting in the mcst satisfactory manner, and at reasonable prices. Also, For Sale, his present residence (with his business if desired), comprising a house nearly new, with garden, trees, shrubbery, &c., and ashop thereon. Terms easy. Ap- ply on the premises, opposite Quintard & Smith’s Carriage Factory, to - GE RGE HODGES. May 7th, 1860. 1y19 .J.N.LOCKWO0D&00, West Side of the Bridge,’ LYNES’ NEW BLOC , KEEP constantly on hand, a large and _ varied assortment of Ladies’, Gents’,and Children’s GAITERS, BOOTS, SHOES, 850., all made under our own personal supervis- ion, of the best material, and in the most workmanlike-manner. Our assortment of Ladies’ Gaiters undoubtedly comprises—both in extent and quality—a finer assortment than can be found at any similar establishment in the County. In Gent’s Boots, Gaiters, Shoes, etc, we have a larger and better assortment, we are confident, than was' ever before offer- ed in Norwalk. We are prepared to manu- facture, to measure any article in our line, and at the shortest notice. Misses’ and Children’s Shoes, Rubbers, etc., in endless variety. A fine article of Slippers for Gents’ wear. - REPAIRING—in all its branches—done neatly, quickly, and cheaply. E. '1'. Whitney a. Co.’s Photographic and Fine Art GALLERY, NORWALK, CONN. ATE E. B. TIIOMPSON’s. E T. Whitney would inform the citizens of Norwalk that he has established himself in the Gazette Building, and will furnish them with Photo- graps, Ambrotypes, and all kinds of Pictures taken by the sun, from Miniatures, to life size; colored or plain; in the hi hest style of the art. E. T. WH TNEY. D. B. Woonnunv. tf29 Wagon and Carriage BUILDING AND REPAIRING, N New Canaan, at the old stand of the Subscriber. Every description of Wagons made to order, and ten per cent. cheaper than any other shop in the county. All kinds of Farm produce, and Oak, Ash, and Hickory Plank taken in exchange for work. tf29 E. L. ARNOLD. ALBERT ECRPEE, MERCHANT TAILOR, ADJ OINING Store of Knapp & Lynes, Main-st, N orwalk, Conn. The public are respectfully invited to call and examine the large and varied assortment of READY MADE CLOTHING, French Cloths, Cassi- meres and Vestings, also a general assortment of Gentlemen’s FurnishingGoods,consistin , in part, of Hats, Ca 3, Umbrellas, Shirts, Co - lars, Cravats, Hand erchiefs, Suspenders, 83c. Cloths, Cassimeres and Vestings by the yard or pattern, and out free of charge. Particular attention paid toCliil(hen’s Garments. NORWALK Steam Sawmg and Plaining M I I. I. . THE subscriber has fitted up and is now . prepared to execute all orders for P18- nmg); Scroll and other Sawin ; manufacture o i... cf ors, Sash, Blinds, &c., , in the best and most-expeditious manner, and at satis- factory prices. Orders by’mail prom t! at- tended to. 1y17 TIMOTHY B. FI C . A fine assortment of Fancy Goods, Pocket Cutlery, .and a new lot of Rodger’s Scis- sors, just received and warranted to be a first rate article. Clocks of all kinds. We have also the agency of Merrill’s Oriental Pomade, something new, and needs on] to be tried to be appreciated. A. JACK ON & BRO. At the Old Stand in Main Street A Hardware Store of MARVIN & PROWITT Eancy Goods, ac. SUPERIOR Machine for Cutting Hay, >Main Street. . . N e W HARDWARE &. PAINT STORE, Straw and Stalks, for sale at the New« Y r sopi‘rfsiiu ea, ’ “beams imam. O’er the land : that; can boaslof . a Washington’s grace.” ' > - . ' Wave! wave'sloft that banner, Let every 'snowy'fold Float on our wild, uncouqucr‘d hills, As in the da'ys'Of old. Hang out, ’and give again to Death -A glory and a charm, ' Where Heaven's'pure dew may freshen thee And Heaven’s'p'ure s'uns'hln'e warm. Wave! wave aloft. I hear the silk Low rustling on the breeze .Wllicb'wlii'stles’t‘lil'bugli‘tbe lofty fir And bendeth’e’blr’élien trees. I he'a'riti‘ie tread of warriors, arm'd To conquer or to‘dié';-—- Their bed‘or’blcr-thc‘he'slthy hill, Their cane” the sky. What! what is lifeor death to them ? ' They only feel and know Freedom is ,to bevstruggledior With an unworthy? lbs“;‘-‘—' Their homes, their h'eurths, the all for which Their fathers too have fought, And liberty tb breathe the prayers Their cradled-lips were taught. 0n! on they rush—like meantaln streams Resistlessly they sweep; ' ' ‘ On! those who live are heroes now- And martyrs those who sleep! While still the stars and strlpes do wav Above the field of strife - With a proud 'riumph, as it were A thing of soul and life. A momentary dream ! oh, not For one poor, transient hour; Not for a brief and hurried day, That flag-exerts its power. Full flashing on Our dOrmant souls The firm conviction comes, That what our fathers did for (heirs. ‘ We can do for our homes. ' We too could brave the giant arm That seeks to chain each word, And rule what form of prayei' alone Shall by our God be heard. We too, in triumph or defeat, Could drain our hesrt’s best veins, While the good old cause of Liberty For Church and-State remains. «o A. Child's First Impression of a Star. She had been told that God made all the stars That twinklcd up in heaven, and now she stood Watching the coming of the twilight on, As if it wcrga new and perfect world, And thissvere its first eve. She stood alone By the low window, with the silken lash Of her soft eye upraised, and her sweeth mouth ilalfphrtetl with the new and strange delight Of beauty that she could not comprehend, And had not seen before. The purple folds 0f the low sunset clouds, and the blue sky That look’d so still and delicate above, Fill’d her young heart with gludncss, and the eve Stole on with its deep shadows, and she still Stood looking at the west with that half smile, As if a pleasant thought were at her heart. Presently, in the edge of the last tint 0f sunset, where the blue was melted in To the faint golden mellowness, a star Stood suddenly. A laugh of wild delight Burst from her lips, and putting up her hands, Iier simple thought broke forth cxpressively— “Father! dear father! God has made a star !" ¢<.-e Honesty and Patriotism. The Hartford Post (Democratic) pronoun- ces the editors of such papers as the Hart- ford Times and Bridgeport Farmer—“ Vil- lains, who seek to crush the Uncbn.” But hear his manly and indignant protests against all such traitors to the country— National, No more Party Policy. During the last Presidential Campaign we were frequently visited by men who bascly proclaimed themselves '“ Democrats,” and who came under color of friendship to us, as emissaries of the 'I‘imes’ clique, to beg us to not attack -' the undemocratic and treason- tending Times. They admitted that our course was right, but said that as we were democratic, and the Times'pretended so to be, our attacks upon itstpartlsan villainly looked like a family quarrel- ‘ We confess with shame, that on certain oc- casions, so far were we influenced by the im- portunitics of these men,to me foolishly allow- ed ourselves to forego what we thought, on further reflection, was, after all, our strict duty to the public, the fullest exposure and castigation of that original traitor and seces- sionist, the Times. But we have seen the folly of such a course. We have lived to see the country plunged into the midst of civil war, the liberties of a vast people menaced; rebellion stalking abroad over the land, and Treason. with its infernal gripe, in one hand clutching the throats of our brothers, and with the other grasping after the lives of our wives and children: and all because the Times and kin- dred sheets, were allOwe to blazon forth, half-unrebuked, their damnable doctrines. And now there comes to us a man—a fel- low—with the same piteous appeal in behalf of the Times, that we should cease to expose its infamous career and ambition, grown ten times worse than before even. And the piti- uble pliant tool of that sheet begs us for the sake Of the “party,” (finding us unrelenting, so far as the traitor Times is concerned) to cease to expose its course, and to appeal to the lovers of the Union, the Country, and God, to stand together in this awful strife, into which traitors have plunged us. Away with you, traitorous wretch! We know no party but our country! We have but one hope to sustain us in life, and that points to our Union’s inte rity. Loath- some, degraded fool, away! ave you not yet been aroused to the awful danger that environs all, that man, in the teeming. surg- ing ages which have preceded ours. has evolv- ed for good, for honor, for righteous govcm- ment ? But do you not acknowlege, yourself, or pretend to at least, that our course is right and the true one for the support of the Union? Nenture not to insult us further, then. Do you not admit that the course of the Times is traitorous? What do you mean, by asking us to abandon, for party’s sake, our attack upon the villains who seek to crush out the Union and trample upon all that is dear to man!— No! never will we ngain,—and we confess our shame for having deferred to such wretches before—swerve for party’s sake, from adovcating even the least position of right and justice. A policy without honor, stained by one spot or speck of a questiona- ble character, however slight, is worthy of no real man. And, moreover, it is the very worst policy for a “party” to ever deviate from the strict- est rules of honor and justice. In an individ- ual instance a party may gain a “triumph,” so far as momentary success goes, by chican- ery or a base pandering to the esprit-es of low-born leaders. But such a triumph al- ways in the end, becomes a disastrous Victory which, in its reaction, merges the “victors’ beneath disgrace. An now in conclusion, we have to say to all our friends at heart, or pretended friends, who may be disposed to approach us with overtures for the Times, or mere party con- siderations unfounded in the highest Sense of right—away! We know you no more. You do not know yourselves even, as men ought. If you are wi ling to prostitute yourselves to Treason and go under the yoke of the Times or any other minion of Disunion and Piracy, go drug yourselves there in your own slime, and never dare to seek to persuade us to treat you with anything but contempt in. Our course is that of the Union- mocrncy in opposition to the Secession-Democracy.— If you wish to array youselvcs against Con- stitutional Liberty, do so, the sooner the bet- ter. The lines are drawn now. Traitors at home are just as dangerous as those more distant. We are glad to have you define yourselves. Your course has not only ruin- ed the party to which you belon d in out- ward sceming, but not in spirit, or you are mere office-seekin partisan—and has well nigh ruined the nion. We repeat we wish no such friends as you. . Merl; can. ' , nation. iii-oi» tie-irmmmaz. ' » THE snuggsp‘csism. [At the earnest solicitation of many corres- pondents, who desire to ‘preserv'e it, we re- publish the following ‘tidmirable letter. from J. Lothrop Motley, the historian.“ 'It has been printed in part, but we ive it entire, notwithstanding its length. n. preSenting it to his readers, Mr. Bryantmakesthesejust and well-considered , * remarks, _ which we adopt as our own :a—“Need we say that this splendid article on, the affairs of. the United States is worthy of . the cause; and Worthy of the fame of the eminent author? . It places the subject before the people of Europe in its true light. Showing that this is no needles or ceaseless war, that it is a struggle for na- tional existence itself, and that the noblest principles of patriotism and of honor are in- volved in its successful rosecution, it. must correct the erroneous op alone which many abroad ‘ have imbibed, and. vindicate the con- duct of the government" ,to' the minds of all thoughtful men. The position of Mr. Motley as One of the most succewlll literary men of me do , and his’ large intercourse with the best ritish society, apart from the ability and force of his argument, will commend his words to general attention.”] The Ca'use of the American Civil War. To run EDITOR on THE LONDON Tapes. The defaclo question in America has been referred at last to the dread arbitrament of civil war. Time and events must determine whether the “great Republic” is to disappear from the roll of nations, or whether it is des- tined to survive the storm which has gather- ed over its head. There is; perhaps a readi- ness in England to prejudge the case; a dis- position not to exult in our downfall, but to accept the fact; fer nations, as well as indi- viduals, may often be addressed in the pa- thetic languaget of the poet-av "Donec cris felix multos numerabis amicos, Tempura cum fuerint nubila, nullus erit." Yet the trial by the ordeal of battle has hard- ly commenced, and it would be presumptu- ous to affect to penetrate the veil ct even the immediate future. But the question do jurc is a different one. The right and the wrong belong to the past, are hidden by no veil, and may easily be read by all who are not wilful— ly blind. Yet it is often asked, why have the Americans taken up arms? Why has the United States government plunged into what is sometimes called “this wicked war?” Especial! it is thought amazing in England that the resident should have recently call- ed for a great army of volunteers and regu- lars, and that the inhabitants of the free States should have sprung forward as one man at his call, like men suddenly relieved from a spell. It would have been amazing had the call been longer delayed. -The na- tional flag, insulted and defied for many months, had at last been lowered, after the astonishing kind of siege recorded in history, to an armed and organized rebellion; and a prominent personage in the government of the Southern “Confederacy” is reported to have proclaimed amid the exultations of vic- tory that before the first of May the same cherished emblem of our nationality should be struck from the Capitol at Washington.— An advance of the “Confederate troops” upon that city; the flight or captivity of the Presi- dent- nnd his Cabinet; the seizure of the national archives, the national title-deeds, and the wholenational machinery of foreign intercourse and internal administration by the Confederates; and the proclamation from the American palladium itself of the Mont- gomery Constitution in place of the one de- vised by Washinton, Madison Hamilton and J ay—a- constitution in which slavery should be the universal law of the land, the corner- stone of the political edifice—were events which seemed for a few days of intense anx- iety almost probable. The Union Sentiment. Had this reall been the result without a blow struck in efence of the national gov- ernment and the old Constitution, it is cer- tain that the contumely poured forth upon the free States by their domesticrenemies and by the world at large would have been amply bestowed. At present such a catastrophe seems to have been averted. But the levy in mass of such a vast number of armed men in the free States, in swift response to the call of the President, shows how deep and perva- ding is the attachment to the Constitution and the flag of the Union in the hearts of the nineteen millions who inhabit those States. It is confidently believed, too, that the senti- ment is not wholly extinguished in the nine million white men who dwell in the slave States, and that, on the contrary, there exists a large party throughout that country who believe that the Union furnishes a Letter pro- tection for life, property, law, civilization and liberty than even the indefinite extension of African slavery can do. The Conspiracy. At any rate the loyalty of the free States has proved more intense and passionate than it had ever been supposed to be before. It is recognized fhroughout their whole people that the constitution of 1787 had made us a The efforts of a certain class of po litlcians for a long period had been to reduce our commonwealth to a confederacy. So long as Iheir efforts had been confined to ar- gument, it was considered sufficient to answer the argument; but now that secession, in- stead Of remaining a topic of vehement and subtle discussion, has expanded into armed and fierce rebellion and revolution, civil war is the inevitable result. It is the result fore- told by sagacious statesmen almost a genera- tion ago, in the days of the tariff “nullifica- tion.” “To begin with nullifieation,” said Daniel Webster in 1833, “with the avowed intention nevertheless, not to proceed to se- cession, dismemberment and general revolu- tion, is as if one were to take the plunge of Niagara, and cry out that he would stop half- way down." And now the plun e of seces- sion has been taken, and we are a lstruggling in the vortex of general revolution. The United States a Commonwealth. The body politic known for seventy years as the United States of America is not a con- federacg not a compact of sovereign States, not a copartnershz'p; it is a cmnmon'wealthpf which the Constitution drawn up at Philadelphia by the Convention of 1787,0ver which Wash- ington presided, is the organic, fundamental law. We had already had enough of a con- federacy. The thirteen rebel provinces,after- ward the thirteen original independent States of America, had been united to each other during the revolutionary war by articles of coufederacy. “The said Slates hereby enter into a firm league of friendship with each other.” Such was the language of 1781, and the league or treaty thus drawn up was rati- fied, not by the people of the States, but by the State governments—the legislative and executive bodies, namely, in their corporate ca acity. he Continental Congress, which was the central administrative board during this epoch, wasa diet of envoys from sovereign States. It had no power to act on indium-w als. It could not command the States. It could move only by requisitions and recom- mendations. Its functions were essentially diplomatic, like those of the States General of the old Dutch Republic like those of the modern Germanic Confederation. Early History of the Nation. We were a league of petty sovereignties.— When the war had ceased, when our inde- pendence had been acknowledged in 1783, we sank rapidly into a condition of utter im- potence, imbecility, anarchy. We had achieved our independence, but we had not constructed a nation. We were not a body politic. No laws can be enforced, no insur- . rections suppressed, no debt collected. N ei- ther property nor life was secure. Great Britain had made a treaty of peace with us, but she scornfully declined a treaty of com- merce and amity; not because we had been rebels, but because we were not a State—be- cause.we were a mere dissolving league of jarring provinces, incapable of guaranteeing the stipulations of any commercial treaty.— We were unable even to fulfil the condition of the treaty of peace and enforce the stipula- ted collection ofdebt due to British subjects; and Great Britain refused in consequence to give up the military posts which she held within our frontim ' ,States, after the government had been estab- -with the local, or State forces, in practice.— For twelve years after the acknowledgment of our independence wel-were mortified by the spectacle of foreign soldiers occupyinga long chain of fortresses south of the great lakes and upon our soil. We were a confederacy. We were sovereign'States. And these were the fruits of such a confederacy and such sovereignty. It was, until the immediate present, the darkest hour of our history. But there were patriotic and sagacious men in those day. and their efforts at last rescued us from the condition of a federacy. The ‘gCon- stitution of the United States” was an organic law, enacted by the sovereign people of that whole territory which is commonly called in geographies and histories the United States of America. It was empowered to act direct- ly, by its own legislative, judicial, and exe- cutive machinery, upon every individual in the country. It could seize his property. it could take his life, for causes of which itself was the judge. The States were distinctly prohibited from opposing its decrees or from exercising any of the great functions of sov- ereignty. The Union alone was supreme, “anything in the'constitution and laws of the States to the contrary notwithstanding.” Of what significance, then, was the title of “sov- ereign” States, arrogated in latter days by communities which had voluntarily abdica- ted the most vital attributes of sovereignty? The Government an Established Au- thorlty. But, indeed, the words “sqverei n” and “sovereignty” are purely ipapplicab e to the American system. In the Declaration of In- dependence the provinces declare themselves “free and independent States,” but the men of those days knew that the word “sovereign” was a term of feudal origin. When their connection with a time-honored feudal mon- archy was abruptly severed, the word “sov- ereign” had no meaning for us. A sovereign is one who acknowledges no superior, who possesses the highest authority without con- trol, who is supreme in power. How could any one State of the United States claim such characteristics at all, least of all after inhabi- tants, in their primary assemblies, had voted to submit themselves, without limitation of time, to a Constitution which was declared supreme. The only intelligible source of pawn in a country beginning its history do new afler a revolution, in a land never sub- jected to military or feudal conquest, is the will of the people of the whole land as ex- pressed b a majority. At the present mo- ment, un ess the Southern revolution shall prove successful, the United States govern- ment is a fact, an established authority. In the period between 1783 and 1787 we were in chaos. In May of 1787 the convention met at Philadelphia, and, after some months’ deliberation adopted with unprecedented un- animity the project of the great law, which soon as it should be accepted by the people, was to be known as the Constitution of the United States. a The Government not a Compact. It is not a compact. Who ever heard of a compact to which there were no parties, or who ever heard of a compact made by a single party with himself? Yet the name of no State is mentioned in the whole document; the States themselves are only mentioned to receive commands or prohibitions, and the “people of the United States” is the single party by whom alone the instrument is executed. ' The Constitution was not drawn up by the States, it was not promulgated in the name , of States, it was not ratified by the States.— The States never acceded to it, and possess no pOWer to secede from it. It “was Ordain- ed aud established” over the States by a power superior tothe States—by the people of the whole land in their aggregate capacity act- ing through conventions by delegates express- ly chosen for the purpose within each State, independently of the State governments, after the project had been framed. - The Early Struggles of Parties. There had always been two parties in the country during the brief but pregnant period between the abjuration of British authority and the adoption of the Constitution of 1787. There was a party advocating State rights and local self-government in its lar vest sense, and a party favoring a more consolida- ted and national government. The National or Federal party triumphed in the adoption of the new government. It was strenously supported and bitterly opposed on exact] the same grcunds. Its friends and foes bot agreed that it had put an end to the system of‘confederacy. _ Whether it were an advanta- geous or a noxmus change, ull agreed that the thing had been done. “In all our deliberations, (says the letter accom- panying and recommending the Constitution to the peOple,) we kept steadily in view, that which ap- peared to us the greater interest ofevery true Amer- ican, the CONSOLIDATION or OUR UNION, in which is involved our prosperity, safety, perhaps our: NATIONAL nxis’rnxcn," (Journal of fhe Convention, 8 Story, 368 And an eloquent opponent denounced the project for this very same reason : “That this is a consolidated government (said Henry) is demonstrably clear. The language is, ‘we the people,’ instead of ‘we the states.’ It must be one great consolidated, national government of the peep e of all the States.” And the Supreme Court of the United lished, held this ion case, “Gibbons ugt. “It has been said that the States were sovereign. were completely independent, and were connected with each other by a league. This is true. But when these allied sovereignties converted their lea so into a government. when they converted their Congress of Ambassadors into a legislature em owered to enact laws, the whole character in which the States appear underwent a change.” There was never a disposition in any quar- for in the early days of our constitutional history to deny this great fundemental prin- c1ple of the Republic : - “In the most'elaborate cx ositions of the Consti< tution by its friends, (says ustice Story.) its char- acter as a permanent form of overnment, is a fundamental law, as a supreme rn e, which no state was at liberty to disregard, to suspend, or to annul, was constantly admitted and insisted upon. (1 Sto- 11,325.) The fears of its opponents, then, were, that the new system would lead to a strong, to an over-centralized government. The fears of its friends were that the central pow- er of theory would prove inefficient to cope auage in an important Ogdenz” The inexperience of the last thirty years, and the catastrOphc of the present year, have shown which class of fears were the most reasonable. Opinions of the Fathers. Had the Union thus established in 1787 been a confederacy, it might have been ar- gued, with more .- less plausibility, that the States which peaceably acceded to it, might at pleasure peaceably secede from it. It is none the less true that such 9. proceed- ing would have stamped the members of the convention—Washington, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, and their colleagues—with utter incompetence; for nothing can be histori- cally more certain than that their object was to extricate us from the anarchy to which that principle had brought us. “However: (moss A HERESY Ir MAY BE. (says the federalists recommending the new constitution) to maintain that a party to a compact has a right to revoke that com net, the doctrine has had respecta- ble advocates. he POSSIBILITY of such a question shows the necessity of laying the foundation of our national overnment deeper than in the mere sanc- tion of de c ated authority. The fabric of American empire ong t to rest on t .e solid basis of the con- sent of the people. Certainly, the most venerated expounders of the Constitution—Jay, Marshall, Hamil- ton, Kent, Story, Webster—were of opinion that the intention of the convention to estab- lish a permanent consolidated government, a single commonwealth, had been completely successful. The great and fundamental defect of the confede- ration Of 1881, (says Chancellor Kent, which led to its eventual overthrow, was that, in mitation of all former coufederacies, it carried the decrees of the federal council to the States in their sovereign capscihy. The great and incurable defect of all for- nor fe eral governments, such as the Amphictyo- nlc, Achiean and Lycian confederscies, and the Ger- manic, Helvetic, Hausentic, and Dutch Republics, is that they were sovnanionrins ovna sovnauiou- rins. The first efi'ort to relieve the pee is of the country from this state of national de ra ationfand ruin came from Vir inia. The genera convention afterward met at P iladclphia 11 May, 1787. The plan was submitted to a convention Of delegates chosen by the people at large in each State, for .as- _ sent and ratification. Such a measure was laying the foundation of the fabric of our national lions where alone they ought to be laid—on the roe It is true that the consent of _ the people was given by the inhabitants voting in each State; but in what other conceivable . way could the eople of the whole country have voted ? “IThe assembled in the several States,” says tory; “but where else could they assemble ‘3” Secession a return to Chaos. Secession is, in brief, the return to chaos from which we emerged three quarters of a can fury since. No Is a! sequence can be more per- fect. Ifone State has a right to secede to- day, asserting what it calls its sovereignty, another may, and probably will, do the same to-morrow, a third on the next day, and so on, until there are none left to secede from. Granted the premises that each State may peaceably secede from the Union. it follows that a county may peaceably secede from a State, and a town from a county, until. there is nothing left but a horde of individuals all seceding from each other. The theory that all the people of a whole country in their ag- gregate capacity are supreme is intelligible; and it has been a fact, also, in America for seventy years. But it is impossible to show, . if the people ofa state be sovereign, that the people of a county, or of a village, and the ndividuals of the village, are not equally sovereign, and justified in “resuming their sovereignty” when their interest or theircap- rice seems to impel them. The process of disintegration brings back the community to barbarism, precisely as its converse has built up commonwealths—whether empires, kingdoms or republics—out of original bar- barism. » Established authority, whatever the theory of its origin, is a fact. It should never be lightly or capriciously overturned. They who venture on the attempt should weigh well the responsibility that is upon them.— Above all, they must expect to be arraigned for their deed before the tribunal of the civi- lized world and of future ages—a court of last appeal—the code of which is based on the divine principle of right, and reason, which are dispassionate and eternal. N 0 man, on either side of the Atlanttc, with Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins, will dispute the right of a people, or of any portion of a people, to rise against oppression, to demand redress of grievances, and in case of denial of justice to take up arms to vindicate the sacred principle of liberty. Few English- men or Americans will deny that the source of government is the consent of the govern- ed, or that every nation has the ri ht to gov- ern itself according t8 its will. hen the silent consent is changed to fierce remon- strancc the revolution is impending. Rebellion not: Revolution. The right of revolution is indisputable.— It is written on the whole record of our race. Biitish and American history is made up of rebellion and revolution. Many of the crowned kings were rebels or usurpers. Hampden, Pym, and Oliver Cromwell; Washington, Adams and Jefferson—all were rebels. It is no word of reproach. But these men all knew the work they had set themselves to do. They never called their rebellion “peaceable secession.” They were sustained by the consciousness of right when they overthrew established authority, but they meant to overthrow it. They meant rebellion, civil war, bloodshed, infinite suffer- ing for themselves and their whole genera- tion, for they accounted them welcome sub- stitutes forinsulted liberty and violated right. There can be nothing plainer, then, than the American right of revolution. But, then, it should be called revolution. “Secession, as a revolutionary right, (said Daniel Webster in the Senate, nearly thirty years_ ago, in words that now seem prophetic,) IS intelligible. As a right to be proclaimed in the midst of civil com- motions, and asserted at the head of armies, _I can understand it. But as a practical right, existing under the Constitution, and in conformity Withdts rovisions. it seems to be nothing but an absurdity, or it supposes resistance t9 government under the authority of government itself; it supposes dis- memberment without violating the principles cf Union ; it supposes opposition tolaw without crime, it supposes the violation of oaths without responsi- bility; it supposes the total overthrow of govern- ment without revolution.” The Founders of the Commonwealth. The men who had conducted the Ameri- can people through a long and fearful revo~ lution were the founders of the new com- monwealth which .permanently superseded the subverted authority of the crown. They placed the foundations on the unbiassed, un- tramelled consent of the people. They were sick of leagues, of petty sovereignties, of gov- ernments which could not govern a single individual. The framers of the Constitution which has now endured three quarters of a century, and under which the nation has made a material and intellectual progress never surpassed in history, were not such triflers as to be ignorant of the consequences of their own acts. The constitution which they offered, and which the people adopted as its own, talked not of sovereign States-— spoke not the word confederacy. . In the very preamble to the instrument are inserted the vital words which show its character, “We, the people of the United States. to en- sure a more perfect union, and to secure the blessings of liberty for ourselves and our pos- terity, do ordain and establish this constitution.” Sic cola, z'z'cjubeo. It is the language of a sov- ereign speaking to the world. It is the pro- mulgation of a great law. the norma agendz’ of a new commonwealth. It is no compact. “A compact (says Blackstone) is a promise pro- ceeding from us. Law is a command directed to us. The inn as e ofa Com act is. We will or wi!l not do this g thgt ofa law is, Thou shalt or shalt that do it.” (18. 38, 44, 45, The Language of the Constitution. And this is throughout the language of the Constitution. Congress shall do this; the President shall do that; the States shall not exercise this or that power. Witness, for ex- ample, the important clauses by which the “sovereign” States are shorn of all the great attributes of sovereigntty—no State shall com money, nor emit bills of _credit, nor pass ea: post facto laws, nor laws impairing the obli- gation of contracts, nor maintain armies and navies, nor grant letters of marque, nor make compacts with other States. nor hold intercourse with foreign powers, nor_ grant titles of nobility; and'that most Significant phrase, “this Constitution, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the land.” _ . Could language be more imperial? Could the claim to State “sovereignty” by more completely disposed of at a word? How can that be sovereign, acknowledging no superior and which has voluntarily accepted a supreme law from something which it ac- knowledges as superior? _ The Constitution is perpetual, not provi- sional or temporary, It is madefor all tune —“for ourselves and our posterity.” It is absolute within its sphere. “This Constitu- tion shall be the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of a State to the contrary notwithstanding. Of . what value, then, is a law of a State declaring‘its connection with the Union dissolved? ’1 he Constitution remains supreme, and is bound to assert its supremacy till overpowei‘ed by force. The use of force—of armies and na- vies of whatever strength—in order.to com- pel obedience to the civil and constitutional authoritv, is not “wicked war,” 1.8 not cecal war, is not icdr at all. So long as it exists the gov- ernment is obliged to put forth its strength when assailed. The President, who has tak- en an oath before God and man to maintain the Constitution anddawsf is per] ured if he yields the Constitution and laws to arm- ed rebellion without a struggle. - He knows nothing of States. Within the sphere of the United States government he deals With in- dividuuls only, citizens of the great republic, in whatever portion of it they may happen to live. He has no choice but to enforce the laws of the'Republic wherever they may be resisted. When he is overpowered tbs gov- ernment ceases to exist. The Union is gone, and Massachusetts, Rhodc Island and Ohio are as much separated from each other as they are from Georgia or Louismna. Anar- chy has returned upon us. _ The dismembero ment of the commonwealth is complete. We are again in the chaos of 1785. Why it does not Provide for Secession. But it is sometimes asked why the Consti- titution did not make a special provision against the right of secession. How could it do so? The people created a_ Constitution over the whole land, with certain defined, so consent of the people.” (1 Kent, :85.) .,.u nu...~.ra .» eurately enumerated. powers, animations these were [all the, chiefgattributes-ofimep eighty. It was forbidden-ms State locum money, to keep armies names; to m} o compacts with other" Stotég; to. "hold : Inter- course with foreign nations, to:oppose¢1he authority of the government; '-.-T9’do:an .ono of these things is to secede, for it we d be physically impossible to ‘do any 9113. gt them without secession. It would havenbedn pu- erile for the Constitution-tosaxforig'gli to each State, “Thou shalt notsecen e, e _ Constitution,being the snpremeiaw; ,_ , , tea], and having expressly ferbidden'w the States thosgliilcts withlgiztawhibecbi 1secemionjs an im ssi ' 'ty, won ce. 1:, ,u_ _‘ in done-50m if used such. WWW elegy. ' This Constitution is supremeffwfltd ever’laws a, State may enacgsays the c law. Was it necessary toad ' Vane-.10. te . shall enact a lawvof secession 133119, ad to a . est statute, in which the soverem thor- ity of the land declafls’ itswill'a p ' such as “and be it further, enacted thstithe said ' laws shall not be violated,” would scarcely seem to strengthen the statute. ‘ ' . It was accordingly enacted- that-newStste might be admitted; but no permission was given for a State to secede. -‘ . Provisions for Amendment, Provisions were made for the amendment of the Constituion from time to time, and it was intended that those provisions should be stringent. A two-thirds vote in both House of Congress, and s ratification in three-gnar- ters of the whole number of States, arccpnc ditions only to be complied with ,in . ve emergencies. But the Constitution me e no provision for its own dissolution. and ifit had done so it would have been apr ' quite without example in history. ,A co -, tution can only be subverted by revolution, or by foreign conquest of the land. . The re. volution may be the result or s‘suceeslfulire- .- bellion. A peaceful revolutioniis alsoicon- ceivable in the case of the United; Stateme- The same:power which established thegon- stitution may justly destroy it. -. The people of the whole land may meet, by dc] ' ‘in a great national convention. as they _, 'in 1787, and declare that the Constitution no longer answers the purpose for Which itWas ordained; that it no longer can sein's’f’cx the ‘ blessings Of liberty for the people in-preant' and future generations, and that it is there- fore, forever abolished. When that project has been submitted again to the people votin in their primary assemblies, not influen‘ " by fraud or force, the revolution is lawfully accomplished, and the Union is no more. What is Rebellion? Such a proceeding is conceivable, although attended with innumerable difficulties, and dangers. But these are not so t as those of the civil war into which the action of the secedingStates has plunged the country.— The division of the national domain and other property, the navigation and police of the great rivers, the arrangement and fortifica- tion of frontiers, the transit of the isthmus. the mouth of the Mississippi, the coup-cl of the Gulf of Mexico, these are significant phrases which have an appalling sound; for there is not one of them that does not contain the seeds of war. In any separation however accomplished, these difficulties must be dealt with; but there would seem less hope of ar- riving at a peaceful settlement of them now that the action of the seceding States has been so precipitate and lawless, For a single State, one after another, to resume those functions of sovereignty which it had unconditionally abdicate when its peo- ple ratified the Constitution of 1787. to seize forts, arsenals, custom-houses, post-offices, mints and other valuable propert of the Union, paid for. by the treasure of t e Union was not the exercise of a legal function; but it was rebellion,treason and absolute plunder. Concluded nezl week. «<2». For the Gazette. JULY FOURTH, 1861. FAIRFIELD, June 28th, 1861. The Anniversary of this Nation’s Inde- pendence will dawn upon this Republic un- der circumstances similar to none that have existed since its foundation. It will find one portion of the people of this land in rebellion, to overthrow the most beneficent 'gOvem- ment that man ever lived under. It will find the other portion uprisen in its might to sup- press that rebellion, and to evince to the watching nations that this grand experiment of self-government has not failed; that the fires of Liberty kindled in 1776 have not gone outfbut still burn brightly amongthe hills and valleys of New England, by. the shores of the great Lakes, and upon the prai- ries of the West. In view of these circum- stances, it seems to me proper that the up. preaching 4th of July be more generally cel- ebrated than ever before. I hope that not only the cities and large towns will celebrate it with “ joy and festivity,” but that each lit- tle village will, by appropriate proceedings, do its part towards commemorating that act of moral heroism, the signing of the Decla- ration of Independence. And I would 'sug- gest that the money which is usually expen-- dad in purchasing fireworks, &c., be this year contributed toward lessening the hard- ships and privatious of the brave defenders of our government. Let then the people of each town and village, all parties, all creeds, old and young, male and female, assemble beneath the National emblem upon the com- ing 4th, let the gralnd old Declaration be read to them, and then, let inspiring wofls of eloquence, burning words for liberty, be uttered to thrill them with enthusiasm. So shall we cheer the hearts of those who have gone forth to battle; so shall we ourselves, by remembering the sacrifices made by our ancestors be better able to perform the duties devolving upon us. LIBERTY. «o» The Treason at Home. The Bridgeport Farmer, the “ cdvance guard” of the reacticnary press of this State continues boldly in its treasonable career.— In its issue of the 18th, it publishesapprov- ingly J eff. Davis’ letter to }he Commissioners sent him by the cowardly traitors of the Maryland Legislature, and appends to it the following comments, which an _honest'qman, or one with a Spark of patriotism would blush to utter:— . _ . . “This proves that Pres1dcnt Davis is Wil- ling to settle matters peaceably. _He acts the true patriot in the matter. All laugh he speaks for a wronged and oft-insulted section «arbour country, gel he is still willing lo forget those _ wrongs and insults and treat With those who have wronged and insulted the Southmorde; to avoid civil war and all its horrors If possible. - . > “But President Linculu does not want mat- ters settled peaceably. He and I‘m-3‘17”?“ are still‘as tyranniczil ask eyer"19:da:x9‘?b‘xo iousl waitin an ian ering 0 Op r- tunit; to tragmplc their Southern brethren under foot. Bitter sectional hate ranklessn their boso'ins. They refuse even to notice the Maryland Commissioiiers; and treat their petitions with silent contempt._ .Bloodv; they must have to satisfy their Abolitiomsed - » appetites; and blood they Will have unless those who are opposed to this war at the, North at once take decided action, and show the despotic powers that be that thcy cannot pursue their» unconstitutional policy with . impunity.” «o SPEEDY CONSTRUCTION or: GunBop'rn—u The navy department has issued a circular to be sent to each of the bidders for budfig. . gun boats, proposing to give $56,000 for . . on boat constructed in 70 days, “mo-11h - days, and $52,000 if in 105 daysr—thoena .. tire number of boats being 25‘ of ,thcgelsn. V-‘designatcd'i If acceptors exceed this 3‘9“? then they are to draw lots or othermse decide l as to whom the contracts shall be awarded. l .. s. m. \m.....-. his! «mun-Irv hammermfii: 21: 2'. . i i an». A. Mr ! xn‘ET-Wim
Norwalk Chronicler