Norwalk Chronicler

Norwalk Gazette, Wednesday, August 2, 1848 · page 2

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From. the Albany: Evening Journal;
“Extra AI’-lowances.” to Gen. Cass.
“ G/real men have always scorned great recom-

pcnsc.s.”'

If this poetic axiom be true, then Gen.
Cass is not 83 “great man.” So far from
ever having “‘ scorned,” he has always
¢20.\!'e-lZe(l,_ ‘-‘great recompenses." And few
men have been more successful in acqui-
ring. what they coveted. For thirty years
hisarm has been into the Treasury, shoul-
der deep. D.-uring this period he has
pocketed within a fraction of '1'.“\V0 HUNDRED
AND THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS I or over
'rwEi\'TY Do-i.LAns A Dav ! ." This is very well
for a geritlemuri who has endorsed the
Baltimore doctrine that “- the people’s
money must be carefully guarded for the
people's benefit.”

More than- one-half of this vast sum
was for “extra allowances.” While
pocketing his $12,000 a year as Governor
of the Territory of Michigan, he was, at
the same time, drawing two orthree times
that amount, as Indian agent, and for mil-
eage, rations, &c., &c. Mr. Stewart, in
his speech before the House of Represen-
tatives, thus embodies the receipts of this
disinterested patriot for a period‘ of 18‘
years :-

It would appear from this statement. made
from documents specially‘ referred to, (and
which, if wrong, can be corrected by Gen.
Cass’ friends) that he charged and received pay
four times for the same period of time:
1st. His regular salary asGove.ruoraiid 6.7: qflicio

Superintendent of Iiidiau Affairs of the Ter-

ritory of Michigan, $2,000 per aiiiinni for

ubout 18- years
2d. Fifteen hundred per annum extra

salary from 1813 to 1831, nearly 18

years, paid in 1831
Rations—-ten rations per day, at 20 cents

each, for between nine and ten years
3d. Fifteen hundred dollars per annum

extra-salary from 1821 to 1831, about

ten years, being ,-part Q/' the above 18

years
4th. Specific charges for 772,days of the

above time. at $8 per day and 40 cents
mileage,in attending at Indian treaties.
at VVashingtou, to settle his own ac-
counts, and for extra pay as above.
preparing an Indian code, bcc. being
upwards of $16 per day for the time
specified above

6,610

14,375

W

IQ./12
Total $96,412

By figuring, the reader will find that
during th.ese eighteen years, Gen. Cass
drew from the Treasury the snug sum of
ELEAEN T1-10US.~\ND THREE HUNDRED AND
I-‘IFTY-FIVE DoLL.~i'us per annuml more than
THIRTY-ONE DOLLARS per day I Whether
he is or not, Gen. Cass certainly should
be a Patriot; for he should love a coun-
try and a people which have done so
much for him. It should be borne in
mind that nearly two thirds of these
$95,000 were drawn as “extra allowan-
ces !” Most men would have been content
with $t0 a week, which his regular salary
amounted to; but Gen. Cass preferred
$3021 day. It filled up faster!

Now, how has it been with Gen. Tay-
lor'l He entered the public service about
the same time with. Gen. Cass. Most of
his life has been spent on the frontier
among the Indians. He fought them in
1812,iit Fort Harrison. He shared in all
the hardships of the Black Hawk VVar.——
He participated in the fatigues of all the
exhausting campaigns in Florida. He
was earliest and longest in the field of
Mexico. Fort Harrison, Withlacoocha
and Buena Vista proclaim his zeal, skill
and courage. He never counted any duty
extra. He looked upon his pay as a Lieu-
tenant, or Captain, or Colonel, or General
asa full return for his whole time and
services. He never sought to ferret out
excuses for “extra allowances,” and there
is not to be found, on the account books
of the government, one dollar charged
against Zachary Taylor for“ extra” ser-
vices. He was content with what the law
allowed him. His regular pay and rations
were all he was pi'omised—-all he expected
——all he asked. In forty years he has
worked harder, suffered more and rendered
infinitely greater service to his country,
than Lewis Cass; but be has not drawn
one-fifz/i as muc/i money from //ie '1'reasury ! ,
Gen. Taylor’s hands are clean; wliilel
Gen. Cass is a living embodiment of the
men who have grown fat at the public_
crib, and become rich upon “ ecctra allow-
an,ces.”

What a contrast does this simple fact
present! One,is a frank, honest, straight-
forward soldier ;——the other is a parsimo-
nious, greedy,“ extra” paid office-holding
and office-hunting demagogue. He has
been successful thus far; but we do not
believe that the people will permit him to
add the salary of President for four years
to the $230,000 which he has already
drawn from the Treasury.

The following are the sums he has 4 received
from the public treasury since he held the office
of Governor of Michigan. In 1831 he obeyed
the call of his country, and with cheerful alac-
rity rushed into the office of Secretary of \Var.
This ofiice he held until 1836, say five years, at

$3,000 per annum
In 1836 he was appointed Minister to

France which post he held till Sep-

tember, 1842, say six years, at only

$9,000 a year, only $9,000 outfit, and

a quarter‘s salary unit, only

 

Pay and emoluments for eleven years,

from 1831 to 1842, only . 95,250
Add salaries and “ extras" for previous
18 years 95.41’-3

Aggregate for 29 _ve:.irs, 6.\'LY 5,5 191,662
Add to these sums his per dieni and mileage
as Senator from Michigan, his pay as an officer
during the late vvur \\ itli l.<)ii.gl:irir.l. and it would
present an aggregate of BETWEEN ’I‘WO
AND THREE IIUNDRED THOUSAND
DOLLARS of the people’s money.

Soldiers’ land-w:irrants ai'e in VV-all st.
for sale, since the return of the volunter.-‘rs.
and bring about $10.8 00. These \vaI'I‘flntS
entitle the holder to 160 acres of land be-
longing to’ he government, and are worth
at the land offices of the West nomin.ally
$l‘25.

$36,000 ~

26,715 '

 

T» .-

From the Cont-niercial .A(l’L'(’‘I'l2.86Tl. ,
The Slavery Q,:lle.~'l.ion in the Senate.
’ .VV.gsHiNcToN, July 22, 1848.

. The Senate, with most praiseworthy
assiduity and industry,yesterday afternoon
worked its way through the naval appro-
priation bill, and left the field clear for
the beginning of the discussion upon
the bill reported by the select committee
as a compromise on the slavery question.

Mr. Clayton, this iriorning, soon after
the Senate met, opened the debate by re-
stating the grounds upon which the com-
mittee had arrived at the result shown in
ithis bill. He said the Southern members

[of the committee had proposed the Mis-
souri compromise line. This would give

lto the non-slave-holding states, 1,639,000
‘square miles, and to the slave-holding,
562,000 square miles. Yet this proposi-;
ltion could not command a majority, and
after long deliberation the provisions of.
of the present bill were agreed upon.

The committee considered the people
of Oregon entitled to a system of self gov-
ernmeut, and had reported to that effect.
§But the case was widely different with
"New Mexico and-California. They con-
tained a population which at this time,
was not believed to be in a fit state to;
sustain the responsibilities of citizens, and 9
the committee had proposed a form of
government which was fitted to their
present condition.

Mr. Clayton concluded by saying that,
the Southern members of the committee,
wished to propose the line of the .‘\/lissouril
compromise, as the line of settlement for’

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bers would not acquiesce.
complaint of this.
‘tion disposed ‘of, and this plan was agreed,
upon and reported with that view. If:
adopted it would avert a great danger to
the Union. He did not suppose that the‘
bill would fully allay agitation.

of agitation was impossible.
Mr. Niles wanted to ask the chairman
of the committee one or two questions.‘

fore the committee was appointed, were,
questions of power. One side asscrjedl
that the constitution gave Congress full:
powers of legislation over the territories.j
The other side denied this. Did the bill’
affirm either of these positions '1. If not,l
did it compromise the question, and if so,f
howl

Mr. Clayton replied that the committee,
did not undertake to affirm or deny tliej
doctrine asserted by either party. It left.
ihe whole question to the constitution,
established by our forefathers. If any‘
here were not willing to abide by a decis-
ion founded upon its requirements, let
them stand up and say so. ,

Jllr. ./V'ilcs.——Tben whei‘e is the "com-
promise talked of"! The question is left
just where the committee found it, but
they have made provision for a future de-
cision in favor of the very point the advo-
cates of slavery contend for.

Mr. Calhoun begged that Mr. Niles
would not use that term toward them.——
they were not the advocates of slavery,
but they stood here as the defenders of
the constitutional rights of those memlers
of the confederation which they severally
rt-presented. In the language of the Sen-I
ator from Delaware, the committee had!
referred the question to the decision of
the constitution established by our fore-'
fathers.

.ll1r. .N'iles.—-But who is to interpret:
the constitution under this sclienuiei If.
he had understood Mr. Calhoun, there was
in reality no controversy. He and those
who acted with him set up no claim in
reference to these new territories ; then
there was no controversy. He had sup-
posed that they presented a claim of a
right to carry their slaves into these coun-
tries, and to set up slavery there in order
to retain them. But if, as Mr. Calhoun
now intimated, there was no such claim,
why could they not at Once unite with
those who«wished to establish personal
freedom to all men as the organic principle
in the governments to be framed for these
territoriesl.

 

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immediately and unanimously to passa
bill’ which would forever remove and quiet
all hostilities and jealousies which this
controversy had excited. But he appre-
hended that Mr. Calhoun meant something
else. He meant to assert that more was
inequality unfavorable to the South in
these territories which must be corrected
by the action of the federal government,
and the decisions of the Supreme Court.
He went on to show that the prohibition
ofslavery could pot properly be considered
as an infringement of the rights of
property.

Mr. Dickinson referred to a speech
made by Mr. Niles some time ago, in
,which, as Mr. D. alleged, he said that
,Northern Senators and members who vo-
’ted for a compromise of this question
lmight be, or would be burned in effigy.

$30.000ilt wasa very harmless threat. He had

no objection to such bonfires, provided
those who got them up did it at their own
expense. The intimation had no influence
with him now, nor would have hereafter.
He proceeded to describe the state of the
question, and to narrate in detail the pro-
ceedings of the committee.

Mr. Niles replied that in the speech
‘alluded to he had referred only to a his-
torical fact. We had had one comprom-
ise before, and for his course in regard to
it, a Senator from his own state had had
the honor, as the Senator from New York
appeared to consider it, to be burned in
efligy. He had made no threats, but he
had alluded to the fate of those who had
_joined in bargaining and truckling away
the rights of their constituents. The
Senator from New York was the last one

to the unpleasant ceremoniy spoken of..-—
If the solemnly expressed will of his own
great state could not control his course,
he should despair of influencing him by
,.inytl'iing lie could say.

this controversy, but the Northern mem-‘Set up; that is, it forbids the passage of
He made no ' laws against slavery, but it provides for a

[-_-[e wished the qUes_jsystem of common law in its favor, con-,tl1e glory of the battle Of the Thames for

Underjthe reference of this question of organic
our system Ofgovemmem me suppression law to the courts. This expedient only

The question raised in the discussion be-'

.

Mi‘. Dickinson would leave the Senator
from Connecticutito settle his accounts
with his own state, andrif, after he had
concluded that matter, he found that he
had a balance in the bank, he would draw
upon him. Mr. D. went on to say some-
thing farther upon his own course.

Mr. Niles said he was happy to see that
the Senator from New York had made
considerable progress. In the beginning
of the session he had made a very delib-
erate speech, from written notes, in which
he denied the power of Congress to legis-
late for, or over the territories. Now he
would ask him, was he in favor of this
bill I

Mr. D. replied that he was. Then, said
Mr. Niles, a great advance had been made,
and there were good hopes of the Senator
from New York. He had very strong
hopes that he might yet see that Congress

had the right to exclude slavery frcm.
those territories.

But this pretended compromise settled
nothing. By it freedom yielded every-
thing, but nothing was settled. Every,
door was left open for the coutinuaiice oil
the agitation.
the protection of slave property. By this,
you encourage slaveholders to go there‘
with their slaves. You invite them there.
The bill was therefore not entirely a neg-
ative. It had some positive feature of
great importance. ‘

Let them call the attention of the Sea-
ate to the fact that the bill proposed to
prohibit the enactment of any law in rela-
tion to slavery, by the Government to be

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-sisting of the decisions of the officers of.
the federal government. This was a great ,
encouragement to the introduction of,
slaves. But he would never consent to’

postponed the day of conflict.

The ‘question of slavery in these regions
must be settled, if not now, when they
applied to be admitted as states, and then
it must be decided. It would be much
more difficult to decide it then than now.
But it would not overturn the Union. The
Union was stronger than even slavery, the
most powerful foe to its stability. If this
question was settled now, the people
would want to know how it was settled.

The able speeches on both sides had
not succeeded in mystifying the true issue
so far that the people did not understand
it. They knew well enough that the
proposition now urged was for the estab-
iishment of slavery in territory now free.
He concluded by stigmatizing the bill of
the committee as a cowardly evasion and
shirking of responsibility. It was a cow-
ardly expedient, shirking, shuffling and
dodging, on the face of it.

Mr. Hale rose, but gave way to Mr.
Corwin, who desired to ask some of "the
gentlemen on the committee learned in
the law, some questions of a legal charac-
ter. He wished to know how this propo-
sed appeal to the Supreme Court was to
be brought. He stated the conditions of
an appeal to that court. A case to be
brought before it must involve at least
$2,000. Now, if he was correctly inform-
ed, there were few if there were any
negroes worth $2,000. If you can get
no appeal, then this great question of con-
stitutional law must be decided under this
plan fifteen hundred miles from Washing-
ton. He went on to speak of the guaran-
tees which secured to the slave this right,
of appeal. These were, be supposed, that"
he was on terms of perfect equality with
his master, that he had the means and all,
necessary facilities for making journeys‘
to and from VVashington while prosecu-
ting his appeal, &c.

Gen. ’l‘éiyl0r’s“Letter of llcccptaiicc.

_TIie follozcirig latter was received by the N. Y.

Tribmie, on Smzdrty last, about miclnigltl

from I‘)/l’llC£(dCl1.'-,7l.2i(Z, by Clblegrap/_i.

BA'1‘0N Ronnie, July 15, 1848.
Hon. J. M. Moorhead. Greenborough,' Guil—‘
- ford _'C'a. N. 0.

Sin: I have the honor to receive your
comniunicfiation of June 10, announcing
that the VVhig Convention, which assein
bled at Philadelphia on the 7th of that}
month, and of which you were the Presi-
dingOflicer, has nominated me for the
office of President of the United States.
Looking to the composition of the Con-_

constituents, I feel truly grateful for the,

honor bestowed upon n:e——for the distin-
guished confidence implied in my nomina-
tion to the highest office in the gift of the
American People. I cordially accept that
nomination, but with the sincere distrust

of niy fitness to fuliill the duties of an of-

fice which demands for its exercise the

most exalted abilities and patriotism, and.
'which has been rendered illustrious by

the greatest names in our history. But
tion be confirmed by the People, I shall
endeavor to discharge the new duties then
devolving upon me, so as to meet the ex-
pectation of my fellow citizens, and pre-

serve undirninished the prosperity and

reputation of our Common Country.
Ihave the honor to remain, with the
highest respect, your obedient servant,
ZJTAYLOR.
Gen. Cass aim the Battle of the
_ Tlaauiucs.
In 1840, the Locofocos claimed all of

Col. Johnson; but no sooner was Cass
nominated, than they made him out to be
the hero, and are even trying to attach to
his title that of “ old Tecumseh killer.”—
The best joke on this subject that we
have seen, occurred at a Locofoco meet-
ing in Cincinnati on the 23d. Tlie.speak-
er, a Mi‘. Platt, called for three cheers for
“ Cass and Butler”—but it was “ no go ;”
they raised a general shout, “tell us
something about them first, or we can’t
shout"’ The speaker saw that the people
would’nt shout until he said something
about them. He commenced:

“Well, I’ll tell you something about
Cass—and I’ll skin a Whig, too. “ Who,”
exclaimed lllr. Platt, “ did the Whigs
slioutfor in 18407. For the hero of the
Thames. There was nothing heard but
huzz-as for the hero of the Thames. Now
I ask you,” said the orator, in a loud voice
and triumphant air, “ 11.‘/Z0 was it that
fought the battle of the Thames 1” Many
voices promptly responded, “Gen Har-
rison and Col. Johnson.” But who was
by the side of Col. Johnson 1” gaid the
orator. “ fl Dearl I7ulz'an,” shouted the
crowd. Here the speaker fonnd his voice
drowned in an uproarious burst of laugli—
ter from thezcrowd, and vamousecl from the
stand, saying, “ You’re an ignorant set of
dolls. and you don’t appreciate the real
merits, or know anything about the true
history of your candidates.”

Detroit Adv.
Fozcign.

The Eiiropia arrived at Boston, on Fri-
day morning last. The stand of affairs in
Europe have undergone no change since
the last arrival. All quiet in France.

Gen. Ta]/lor’s C/Lam,-cs.—'I‘lie National Era,
he loading aiiti-slavci'y paper in the Union, af-
ter condemning in severe terms, the nomination
of the \-Vliig Convention, estiiiiiitos Tiiylor’s
strength as follows-—

He will have all the Southern States
which went for Harrison—viz: Delawn re,
Maryland, North Carolina, Georgia, Mis-
sissippi, Louisiana, Tennessee and Ken-
tucky—making in all 69 electoral votes.

Mr. Calhoun said the simple purpose-
was to provide for the decision of the.
contested question here, and not in the‘
territories.

Mr. Baldwin made some forcible com-,

Florida, Alabama and Texas, are also put
down by the Era to Gen. Taylor, with
their votes, making 85. In the Free States,
to Gen. Taylor are put down, Pennsylva-
nia, Connecticut, Rhode Island and New

and profitable Post Route. Apply at this Qflice.
vention, and its numerous and patriotic

NORWALK -i.GAi;Z:E§T'I‘E.

 

\

Wednesday; ‘Au gu st

ll

‘.3. 1548-.
FOR. PRESIDIENT I

ZACIIARY TAYLOR, of Louisiana.

FOR VICE PRESIDENT
DIILIAIRD FILLllIORE, of New York.

 

-- W'AN'l‘ED.
A POST RIDER to taltoan established
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|

WING STATE CONVENTWN,
FOR THE NONIINATION or PRESIDEN-
TIAL i3Li«:o',yoRs .

A State Convention of Ilie Whigs of Connecticut,
will be held at the city of Miildletmvii, on Wediies-3

day, the 30th day of August, 1948. for the purpose

and Vice Prcsideiitoftlic United States and four

District Electors,oroiic from each Congressioniil fljfelnpt ,, severance of t]-,0 Uuiom

District. _
The VVliigs oftlie several towns are requested to

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'as.=enible in their priinarv meetings. as early as the

I
.

Provision was ‘made for should the selection of the Irliliig Couven- E double the iiunibcr oftlieir l{epresciitaiivcs iii the,
Legislature, to the above culled Coiiveiition, and to '

I cuu.-‘e the uaiines oftlicir delegates to be
iinincdizitcly tlierealtcr.

The cainpaigii is open and the election issit liaud.
Let the friends of’I‘:i_vlor and Filluiorc be wzitcliful

published

trntion of the Govcriinieiit will be their rewui'd.
.lAl\Il-ZS F. BA1icoci<,]
I‘Il-JNRY PECK, |
JOHN L. Boswi-:LL, }
\V1\i. \VooDwAnD, |
\Vi\i. H. MATSON, }
New Haven. July 19th, 18-I8.

\Vliig State
Coiiiiuittee.

The Compromise.

the debate in the Senate upon the Coiiiproinise
Bill. Although it took place on Saturday,
week, the bill has just passed that body, and it
being the most interesting and comprehensive
discussion we have been able to find, in so brief
a compass we have copied it without reference
to dates. The speech of Senator Corwin, de-
livered in the Senate on Monday following on
this Bill, is a most thorough as well assearcliiiig
review of the whole subject, and we trust this
document will be put into the hands of every
freemen of the North.
reached, and the time has come when the free

The crisis is now fairly

resolute defiance to Soutlicrn domination, and
Slavery and aggression, or how the knee to her
demands us obscquiously as her own miserable
blacks, to be swayed and ruled by her, with the
ubsoliite authority of despotism.

Though the question presents itselfunder the
guise of Co.uPnoMisi~:,:ind is clandestinely smug-
gled into the bill for the settlement of Oregon,
l it is «wholly a question of row ER. Of" power to
govern the white man of the North, as they
govern black men at: the South. It may be" mys-

tified with high sounding names, and received
the glossy finish of the Southern orator, but the
hideous y)rz°ncz']2le lurking at the bottom still
stands out in bold relief as a Soztllicrrt graspfar
POLITICAL PO\VER..

The South, as usual, thunders forth her notes
of clissolitlioiz, to intimidate Nortliern Senators.
Her tliieateuiiigs have been too frequent, how-
ever to occasion alarm, and although this bill
has passed the Senate, amended in its worst
‘features, we trust it will receive its death blow

in the House.
body with reckless haste, and with a scarcely
, concealed contempt. for even, tlicform and sem-
i blance of deliberulziou. So eager were the

cormorants of slavery to clutch our newly ac-
quired territory, that the hours usually devoted
to sleep were spent in forcing a measure through
the Senate which is designed to make the hold
of the slave owner upon New Mexico and Call-
The protest of Con-
iiecticut against this flagitious act, was heard
after the hour of mid-night! Our Senators
weie at their posts and remained true to the

It was hurried through that

ifornia eternally secure.

lust. They struggled inaiifully against this

of clioosing two Seiiutoiiiil l~‘.i.,i-:i:'i'(in.~' of Pi'e.<idciitl

iiinlli of August. forappointing.Delegzites equal to!

and active, and success and an acceptable arlininis-1

‘VG have given at length in another column, I

white men of the ilorlli are to take a stand of

 

 . .’

__._._ . .__ -_-. .._

supeistructiire down.” The “ peculiar inst,itu.-
tion" has reared the insignia of laziness, and
iusubordination in every Southern dwelling. and
has iiourished a horde of enervated purse-proud
drones, who looking upon labor as a disgriice,
are “ breathing out threatnings and slaughter”
against all who' dare to disturb their social im-‘
becility. We have lI€1'B ii greiit moral battle to‘
fight; and if worst come to come worst, and
we must have repeal, disinemberment and dis-
11"l0"a then let it "come. Let our land he
fi'eedom’s home or glory’s tomb, i'athe‘r than‘
suffer the curse to‘ advance an inch upon free-
soil. The people‘ of the free North and ‘Vest
cannot be bullied intoia surrender of their rights
by threats ofdisuiiiou, for “ National agitation"-
means threats of disunfon. These threats, in-
stead of aliirining the friends of freedom will-
excite no other emotion than contempt and in-»
dignation. They are idle lhi'ei'i'ts',- for Southern‘
men will never be guilty of such iiiuduess as to‘

Disunioii’

lwoulj fall with it heavier blow uponithe South‘

than the North. The moment the Union is
disrupted, the sliackles fall from the feet of tire’
slave. He could not be kept in servitude wit}:
a belt of free Status surrounding him and ofi'ei'-'

jiug him it safe asylum from the veug'eauce'ol‘i
The southern men well know this.-
:3% when they tlirenton ii dissolution of the‘
on, they simply mean to coerce, to boinbusti
the north into the support of their peculiar’
views
There is sr:ai'cely ii southern man but feels
and loatlies in his inmost. soul, the cankering, fes-
tering evils of slavery, mid there are very many‘
who would not, but for the gratification of IIVII-"

_ his master.

_rice, selfishness, and inaimnon. gladly have this-
,crushing incubus, which has so long poisoned
iand palsied the mental, moral, andsocial ener-
gies oftlie south, swept from the civilized world .
I But so long as men suffer themselves to be hul-
l tered and led by their purse-strings, and cherish
jthat silly dignity which vents itself in a con-
tempt. of free labor, so long may the friends of
freedom expect opposition.

lhave now come up uumaikcd, and let them be
‘boldly ix. et. \Ve do not wish to be considered
as favoring in any degree, those wild fanatics
of the North——-who would madly rush into the
Southern States and trainplc under foot their
established laws and lnslll-l1l'.l( ii—who with holy
horror of slavery and all its untold utrocities,.
indirectly have voted for Te.ras—tlie llie.-rican
war, and this very territory, now the dazzling
prize glittering in the covetous eyes of slavery,
over which she now iirrogzites the right to ex-
tend lier blighling curse.
where it now exists, and it will. it must soon
die, drawing succor from its own vituls. But for
heaven’s sake, do not suffer another foot of free

The great issues

Let slavery alone,

territory to nourish and prolong for :1 day its
Let our Constitution
Let the sentiment

struggling existence.
cease to be a dead letter.
“that all men are born free and equal” be en-
graven on every hearth-stone. Let the banner
of liberty be unfurled, and for ever wave in
triumph over the land ofthe FREE.

Let not the Southern bug-bear inissles of
disunion, discordant and disevercd states, clash-
ing in terrific conflict and drenched in fraternal
blood, affect the cool dcterniiiintion of North-
ern men to stand by the Constitution and main-
tain their rights. Let no rhetorical, flourishing,
animadversions to Tliobe’s crumbling columns,
Corintli’s deserted aisles, and the mouldering
inouuments of Greece and Rome, frighten men
from the post ofduty, of l'I‘l£l/I, and of iiicii'r.

The roar of cannon, the glittering array of
swords and bayonets, dancing in the fevered
imagination of Southern ineinbers, will be con-.
tinually pictured out in all their frightful hori'or,.
so long as their blood and thunder gasconiide Ctlllz
cower their opponents into a surrender.

The South having already found her position-

uucomfoitablc, now wislies tosettlc the question
by sliufflitig off the responsibility from Congress

Let them do so, and they would be able-

ments upon the fact that Oregon had been j.ler.<e_v. Iowa and Wisconsin are also
so long applying fora government, andlassigned to him. These Stiles give 51
that after it had been denied her for three ’ votes, raising '1'-'lyl0|"Sl0 13f- If there
years, she was now compelled to contenhshould be no Free State candidate, the
herself with one provided for her in con-,Era puts New York, Vermont and Massa-
nection with one for two territories \t'l]lcl1lCllUS€N5 <l0\Vn f0!‘ Taylor, which \\'0Uld

new scheme, which under the specious title of, and throwing it upon the Judiciary. Is, it so,.
6‘ Comp,-omise,” gives up to a foul system offthat the American Congress, comprising the
lmman bondage, a vast region of ten-3:01-y now most profound and erudite statestmen the world:
free and acquired by the blood and treasure of. has ever known, must appeal to it subordinate-
a free people : but their struggle was vain and tribunal to read and interpret the Constitution..
fruitless. The drilled cohorts of Slavery aided ’ f0l' 919111? VV9 l1'USt 3“ fldlnlmll 50 humlliil“

whom he should be willing to see subjected

had just been acquired. He moved toiincrease his vote to, 190, and elect him by
strike out all that part of the bill which"
relates to these latter territories.

‘Mr. Hale made a long and animatedi

l

and eloquence. I can pretend to give but
a few points of his address. He said the
sentiment in his own state, upon this sub
'ject, was unanimous The only question
between parties there was, who were tru-
est and the firmest friends of the policy
of restricting slavery within its present
;limits. He could not profess confidence
lin and reverence for that which he be-
lieved was entitled to neither. He had
no respect for the Supreme Court, in ca-
ses in which this principle was involved.
He knew lio\v'its members were placed in
their seats, and he knew why some were
excluded from that bench. He knew
what they had done, and how some of its
decisions were arrived at. He remem-
bered its decision in the late Pennsylva-
nia case, and how it had gone into the
free states, prostrated there the right of
trial by jury, and seized free colored cit-
izens without the interposition of state
authorities.

After he had concluded, the question
was taken on Mr. B‘ald'win’s motion to
strike out all that part of the bill re-ferring
to California and New Mexico-, and i-t was
rejected, ayes 17, noes 37. This, it may
be presumed, is aboutgthe maj.ori.t_y by
which the bill will pass the Senate.

Just as the voteseemed about to be ta-
ken on the bill Mr. Hamlin, of Maine,
rose to make his maiden speech in the
Senate. He was radically _iii favor of the
a‘-ppl-lcation of the Wilmot proviso to the
whole of the territories in question.

After Mr. Hamlin had concluded, an
adjournment was moved and carried,

speech, with all his usual ability, spirit‘,

l

an overwlielming majority.

F. O. J. Smith, the telegraph man, who
has heretofore been a rank Locofoco, has
come out strong for Gen. Taylor. At the
great Whig meeting in Portland, Me. on
Monday night, he declared it to be his be-
lief that Gen. Taylor would receive a
greater majority than Cass would votes.

Sprmgfielil Rcpublicalz.

Sunday .M'ai'ls.—No Sunday mail is at
present carried in any part of New Eng-
land, and a very large number of such
mails have been discontinued of late in
other States, embracing lines amounting

l

eusion of business upon the Sabbath
over $60,000 per year.

abilities are of a high order, but who,l
though twice elected to the New York
Legislature, has long been known as a
rowdy and a bully-a b’hoy of the first
water—has recently been converted, and‘
it is said intends to attach himself to the
ministry. At present, he is lecturing on.
temperance. Having forsaken his cups,_
he now wears a broad-brimmed hat, a
snuff-colored coat and a white neck tie.
Blackstone C/ironicle.

Col. Black for Tag/lor.—Col. Black, of
Pittsburgh, has been nominated for Con-
gress by the loco focos. The N. O. Bul-
letin says he passed through the city,
avowed himself for Taylor,and as he goes,
so go nine out of ten of his regiment.

flf? The health of Gov. Dorr, of Rhode
Island, is so far restored, as to permit him
to take an active part in the canvass for
,Cuss and Butler.-

l

,‘29 to 2-}.

lo “P‘w"dS of 809000 miles‘ The" 5‘1"l"glgress since the organization of the Government.
of expense to the Department by thls s“s'l It is right that the people should pass upon it.

, is,
_________ lot‘ the
]l’I2'/ce Wfals/z..—'I‘his man, whose native,

by N ortliern traitors wei'c victorious.

\-Vliy this urgency—wliy this hot haste in
pressing it Iccision upon this Compromise bill
during the present session of Congress ? VV1iy
is it sprung upon the country and no time al-
lowed to obtain the verdict of the people upon
it? \V1iy is it dragged in at the heel of a long
session of Congress, and an attempt made to
hurry it through the forms of legislation, even
before the bill has reached the more distant

I
lquiirters of the Union? It is certainly a great

,question. It involves interests ofliiglier magni-
. tude than any other question which has been
; presented for the decision of an American Con-

To the House are now turned the eyes
whole country—and unless there
be Northern doughfaces enough who can
be boughtlfor a mess of pottage, our hopes will
not be disappointed. Should any such there be,
as we have said before, let them be marlcecl with
the seal ofeternal infamy and disgrace.

As for ourselves, we are glad that this storm
which has so long been gathering upon our po-
litical horizon has at length burst upon Congress
in uudisguised terror. We have too long been
borne down with .-the humiliating truth, that
over the fairest portion of free, republican
America, existed a heuthenish slavery, and it is»
time for us to assert our rights as Americans,

ting may not becloud the meridian glory of the‘
netecnth century.
But forsooth, this quest'0n of Slavery must
not be discussed in Congress, we are told, for‘
' fear of National agitation. And what is this-
Na.lz'onalAgitalion ?—-a ghost conjured UP by
-I week he ids to shake weaker nerves. Is it meant
lthiit we must not discuss any great political.
. question when there is a probability that the
country would become agitated by is discussion ?
2 Are we members ofsuch an infernal pai'tnerslii[>:
ofguilt that; we may not condemn wrong, op-
pression and crime? Are we to be iuterdicted‘
from discussing this question, lest our Southern
brethren should be agitated? If threats of"
disunion are to prevail against reason and: con-
viction, if whenever there is it collision of-vaieivs
and sentiments upon any great question, a threat
of dissolving the Union is to carry every point,
then we have but the mockery of ii C0Hgt‘95fv-
and the mockery ofa Union. The Union l5‘1W
1'e:ilit)‘ dissolved. Nothing but the form of Un-
ion remains, the very basis and spirit of it are-.

-, ni

gone.

In this connection. we
entire fulfillment of the predictions of the great:
'Wl1ig party. We pronounced the Mexican:
war from the first, 11 war of Soutlieru rapacity,.
,1 \vu1-of conquest, a, war for the acqui:ition of
slave territory. Our charges were stigmatized-
as H Whig lies,”—no territory was wauted,.the'

cannot. but remark the-..

and‘uncoinpromisingly declare, whatever he the
consequences, the curse shall not be extended
and for ever perpetuated, in,,,t_;eri'itoi'y now un-
tainted with its pollution.

war was commenced and waged-solely. to conquer
peace .’ The avowed; priucples- of. the A.-dniini5";'
tratiou were to show our national magnanimlw‘
by pouring out the oil ofpeace,.and securing.f0t‘~'
a distracted: deople, the boon of LIBER-TY ! No-

It is not surprising that the South take strong
grounds on this question, and with threutenings
declare “ we‘ will liaave our place in the stage

we have erected, or we will pull the whole,

desires of conquest, no peisonalambition or par-~
was for a— moment. mdulgfid‘

ty agrandisement, _
d purity of philanthropic;

to weaken the power an

 

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