&n-
,MR. CI-lAY’S SPEECH
AT THE LEXINGTON MASS MEET-
ING, Nov. 13.
After the organiziition of the meeting, Mr.
Clay rose and addressed it substantially as fol-
lows:,
Ladies and Gentlemen—-
The day is dark and gloomy, unsettled
and uiicerta-in, like the condition of our
country in regard to the unatural War with
Mexico. The public mind is agitated and
anxious, and is filled with serious appre-
hensions as to its indefinite continuance,
and especially as to the consequences
which its termination may bring forth,
menancing the harmony, if not the exis-
tence, of our.Union.
It is under these circumstances I pre-
sent myself before you. No ordinary oc-
casion would have drawn me from the re-
tirement in which I live; but, while a sin-
gle pulsation of the human heart remains,
it should, if necessary, be dedicated to the
service of one’s country. And ' I hav
hoped that, althoughl am a private and
humble citizen, an expression of the views
and opinions I entertain, might form seine
little addition to the general stock of in-
formation, and afford a small assistance in
delivering our country from the perils and
dangers which surround it.
Ihave come here with no purpose to at
tempt to make a fine speech, or any ambi-
tious oratorical display. I have brought
with me no rhetorical boquets to throw
into this assemblage. In the circle of the
year, Autumn has come,,and the season of
flowers has passed away. In the progress
of years, my Spring time has gone by, and
I too am in the Autumn of life, and feel
the frost of Age. My desire and aim are
.. to address you earnestly, calmly, seriously
and plainly, upon the grave and momen-
tous subjects wliich have brought us. to-
gether. And Iain most solicitous that not
,a solitary word may fall from me, offen-
sive to any party or person in the whole
extent of the Union.
War, pestilence, and famine,by the com-
mon consent of mankind, are the three
greatest calamities which can befall our
species; and War, as the most direful,
justly stands foremost and in front. Pes-
tilence nnd famine, no doubt for wise al-
though inscrutable purposes, are inflictions
of Providence, to which it is our duty,
therefore, to bow with obedience, humble
submission and resignation. Their dura-
tion is not long, and their ravages are lim-
ited. ' They bring, indeed, great afliiction,
while they last, but society soonrecovers
from their effects. War is the "voluntary
work of our own hands, and whatever re-
proaches it may deserve should be direc-
ted to ourselves. When it breaks out
its duration is indefinite and unknown
——its vicissitudes are hidden from our
view. In the sacrifice of gbuman life,
and in the waste of human treasure, in its
losses and in its burdens, it affects both
belligerent nations, and its sad efiiects of
mangled bodies, of death, and of desola-
tion, endure long after its thunders are
hushed in peace. V,V-ar unhinges society,
disturbs its peaceful and regular industry,
and scatters poisonous seeds of disease
and immorality, which continues to ger-
minate and diffuse their baneful influence
- long after it hs ceased. Dazzling by its
glitter, pomp and pageantry, it begets a
spirit of wild adventure and romantic en-
terprise, and often disqualifies those who
embark in it, after their return from the
bloody fields of battle, from engaging in
the industrious and peaceful vocations of
life. ‘
We are informed by a statement, which
‘is apparently correct, that the number of
our countryman slain in this lamentable
Mexican War, although it has yet been
of only 18 months’ duration, is equal to
one half of the whole of the American loss
during the seven years’ war ofthe Revolu-
tion! And I venture to assert that the
expenditure of treasure which it has oc-
casioned, when it shall come to be fairly
ascertained and footed up, will be found
to be more than halfof the pecuniary cost
of the VVar of our Independence. And
this is the condition of the party whose
arms have been everywhere and constantly
victorious l
How did we unhnppily get involved in
this \’Var? It was predicted as the con-
sequence of the Annexation of Texas to
the United States. If we had not annexed
Texas, we should have bad no War. The
paople'were told that if that event liap-
pened, War would ensue. They were told
that the War between Texas and Mexico
had not been terminated by a treaty of
peace ; that Mexico still claimed Texas as
u revolted province: and thzit,'ifwe receiv-
ed Texas i,nto’our Union, we took along
- with her tli'e “for existing between her
and Mexico. And the Ministerof Mexico
formally announced to the Government at
\Vashington, that his nation would consid-
er the Annexation of Texas to the United
States as producing a state of VViir. But
all this was denied by the partizans of
Annexation. They insisted ivc _ should
have no War, and even imputed to those
who foreteld it sinister motives for their
groundless prediction.
But, notwithstanding a state of virtual
waif necessarily resulted from the fact of
annexation of one of the belligereats-to
the United States, actual hostilities might
have been probably averted by prudence,
. moderation, and wise stutcsmanship. If
Gen. Taylor had been permitted to remain,
where his own good sense prompted him
to. believe he ought to remain, at the point
of Corpus Christi; and if a negotiation
had been opened with Mexico, in a true
spirit of amity and conciliation, ‘War pos-
sibly might have been prevented. But, in-
stead of this pacific and moderatejcourse,
_while Mr. Slidell was bending his way to
Mexico, with his diplomatic credentials,
Gen. Taylor was ordered to transport his
' cannon, and to plant them, in a warlike at-
gidude, opposite to Matamorus, on the east
bank of the Rio Bravo, within the very dis-
puted territory, the adjustment of which
was to be the object of Mr. Slidcll’s mis-
sion. What else could have transpired but
a conflict of srmsl
gross.
Thus the War commenced, and the Pres-
ident, after having produced it, appealed
to Congress. A bill was prepared to raise
50,000 volunteers, and in order to commit
all who should vote for it, a preamble was
inserted falsely attributing the commence-
ment of the war to the act of Mexico. I have
no doubt of the patriotic motives of those
who, after struggling to divest the bill of
that flagrant error, found themselves con-
strained to vote for it. But I must say
that no earthly consideration would have
ever tempteil or provokedme to vote for
a bill, with a palpable falsehood stamped
on its face. Almost idolizing truth as I
do, l never, could have voted for that bill.
The exceptfonable conduct of the Fede-
ral party, during the last British VVar, has
excited an influence in the prosecution of
the present War, and prevented ajust dis-
crimii.ation between the two VVars. That
was a “far of National defence, required
for the vindication of the National rights
and honor, and demanded by the indignant
voice of the people. President Madison
himself, I know, at first reluctantly and
with great doubt and hesitation, brought
himself to the conviction that it ought to
be declared. A leading, and perhaps the
most influential member of his Cabinet,
(Mr. Gallatin,) was, up to the time .of _its
declaration, opposed to it. But nothing
could withstand the irresistible force of
public sentiment. It was a just VVar,_and
its great object, as announced at the time,
was, “Free Trade and Sailors’ Rights,”
against the intolerable and oppressive acts
of British power on the ocean. The jus-
tice of the “far, far from being denied or
coiitroverted, was admitted by the Federal
party, which only questioned it on consid-
eration of policy. Being deliberately and
constitutionally declared, it was, I think,
their duty to have given to it their hearty
cooperation. But the mass of them did
not. They continued to oppose and
thwart it, to discourage loans and enlist
merits, to deny the power of the General
Government to march the militia beyond
our limits, and to hold agflartford Conven-
tion, which, whatevcr were its real objects,
bore the aspect of seeking a dissolution of
the Union itself. They lost andjustly lost
the public confidence. But has not an ap-
prehension of a similar fate, in a state of
a case widely different, repressed a fearless
expression oftlieir real sentiments in some
of our public menl
How totally variant is the present “Tar!
This is no Vfar of Defence, but one tinne-
cessary and of offensive aggression. It is
Mexico that is defending her fire sides,
her castles and her altars, not we. And
how different also is the conduct of the
V\'liig party of the present day from that
of the major part of the Federal party du-
ring tbe “far of 1812! Far from interpos-
ing any obstacles to the prosecution
of the \Var, if the VVhigs in of-
fice are reproacliable at all, it is for hav-
ing lent too ready a facility to it, without
careful examination into the objects of the
VVar. And, out of office, who have rush-
ed to the prosecution of the VVar with
more ardor and alacrity than the Whigs’!
Whose hearts have bled more freely than
those of the 'Wliigs’! Who have more oc-
casion to mourn the loss ofsons, husbands,
brothers, fathers, than VVliig parents,
Whig wives and Whig brothers, in this
deadly and unprofitable strife?
But the havoc of war is in progress, and
the no less deplorable havoc of an inhos-
pitable and pestilcntial climate. VVithout
indulging in an unnecessary retrospect
and useless reproaches on the past, all
hearts and heads should unite in the patri-
otic endeavor to bring it to a satisfactory
close. Is there no way that this can be
donel Must we blindly continue the con-
flict without any visible object, or any
prospect of a definite ti-rfninationl This
is the important subject upon which I de-
sire to consult and to commune with you.
Who, in this free government, is to de-
cide upon the objects of VVar, at its com-
mencement, or at any time during its ex-
istence? Does the power belong to the col-
lective wisdom of the Nation in Congress
assembled, or is it vested solely in a single
functionary of the Government!
A declaration of war is the highest and
most awful exercise of sovereignty. The
Convention, which framed our Federal
Constitution, had learned from the pages
of history that it had been often and great-
ly abused. ' it had seen that war had often
ben commenced upon the most trifling
prctexts; that it had been frequently
waged to establish or exclude a dynasty;
to snatch a crown from the head of one
potengtate and place it upon the head of
another; that it had often been prosecu-
ted to promote alien and other interests
than those of the nation whose chief had
proclaimed it, as in the case of English
wars for Hanoverian interests; and, in
short, that such a vast and tremendous
power ought not to be confided to the
perilous exercise of one single man. The
Convention, therefore, resolved to guard
the war-making power against those great
abuses, of which, in the hands of a mon-
arch, it was so susceptible. And the
security against those abuses its
wisdom devised, was to vest the war
making power in the Congress of the Uni-
ted Stutes, being the immediate represen-
tatives of the people and States. So ap-
prehensive and jealous was the Convention
ofits abuse in any other bands, that it in-
terdicted the exercise of the power to any
State in the Union, without the Consent of
Congress. Congress, then, in our system
of Government, is the sole depositary of
that tremendous power.
The Constitution provides that Congress
shall have power to declare‘war,and grant
letters of niarque and jrepri.-nl, to make
rules concerning captures on land and wa-
ter, to raise and support armies, and pro-
vide and maintain a navy, and to. make
rules for the government of the land and
naval forces. Thus we perceive that the
principal power, in regard to war, with all
its auxiliary iitteiidants, is granted to Con-
Wlienever called upon to deter-
mine upon the solemn question of Peace
or war, Congress must consider and delib-
‘TL? __
crate and decide upon the motives, objects
and causes of the war. And, if a war be
commenced without any previous declara
tion of its objects, as in the case of the
existing war with Mexico, Congress must
necessarily possess the authority, at any
time. to declare for what purposes it shall
be farther prosecuted. If we suppose
Congress does not possess the controlling
authority attributed to it ; if it be conten-
ded that a war having been once com-
menced, the Prcsident of the United States
may direct it .—to the ,accomplishment. of
any objects he pleases, without consulting
and without any regard to the will ofCon—
grcss; the Convention will have _utlerly
failed in guarding the Nation against the
abuses and ambition o_f a single individual.
Either Congress, or the President, must
have the right of determining upon the ob-
jects for which a war shall be prosecuted.
There is no other alternative. If the Pres
ident possess it & may prosecute it for ob-
jects against the will of Congress, where
is the difference between our Free Govern-
ment and that of any other nation which
may be governed by an abso'ute Czar,
Emperor, or King’!
Congress may omit, as it has omitted in
the present war, to proclaim the objects
for which it was commenced or has been
since prosecuted, and in cases of such
omission the Presidcnt,being charged with
the employment and direction of the na-
tional force, is, necessarily, left to his own
judgment to decide upon the objects, to
the attainment of which that force shall be
applied. But, whatever Congress shall
think proper to declare, by some authentic
act, for what purpose a war shall be com-
menced or continued, it is the ditty of the
President to apply the national force to
the attainment of those purposes. In the
instance of the last war with Great Britain,
the act of Congress by which it was de-
clared was preccded by a message of
Presid’t Madison enumerating the wrongs
and injuries of which we complained
against Great Britain. That message,
therefore, and without the well known ob-
jects of the war, which was a war purely
of defence, rendered it unnecessary that
Congress should particularize, in the act,
the specific objects for which it was pro-
claimed. The whole world Lnew that it
was a war waged for Free Trade and Sail-
ors’ Rights.
It may be urged that the President and
Senate possess the treaty mating po_iver,
without any express limitation as to its ex-
ercise; that the natural and ordinary tel.‘-
inination of a war is by a treaty of peace;
and therefore, that the President and Sen-
ate rriust possess the power to decideivi hat
stipulations and conditions shall enter into
such a treaty. But it is not more true that
the President aiid Senate posess the treaty
making power, without limitation, than
that Congress possesses the war making
power, without restriction. These two
powers then ought to be so interpreted as
to reconcile the one with ilie other; and.
in expoundiiig the Constitution, we ought
to keep constantly in view the nature and
structure of our free Government, and es-
pecially the great object of the Conven-
tion in taking the war making power out
ofthe hands of a sinole man and placing
it in the safer custody of the representa-
tives of the whole nation. The desirable
reconciliation between the two powers i_s
affected by attributing to Congress the
right to declare what shall be the objects
ofa war, and to the President the duty of
eiideavoring to obtain these objects by the
direction of the national force and diplo-
macy.
I am breaching no new and speculative theo-
ry. Tlie statute book of the United Stiites is
full of examples of prior dccliiratioiis by Con-
gorss of the objects to be obtiiiiied by negotiations
with foreign powers, and the Archives of the
Executive Department furnish abundaiit evi-
deiico ofthe uccomplislinieiit oftlioso objects, or
the attempt to accomplish them by subsequent
negotiations. Prior to the declaration ofthe last
war against Great Britain, in all the restrictive
measures which Congress adopted, against the
two great belligerent: powers of Europe, clauses
were inserted in the several acts establishing
them, tendering to bot.li or either of the bellig-
orents the abolition of these restrictioiis if they
would repeal their hostile Berlin and Milan dc-
crecs and orders in Council, operating against
our ooiuinerce and navigation. And these acts
of Congress were invariably coniinuiiicated.
tlirougli the Executive, by diploiiiiitic notes, to
Fi-iiiicc iind Great Britain, as the basis upon
which it was proposed to restore friendly inter-
course with tliom. So after the leriiiiiintiou of
the war. various acts of Congress were passed,
from time to time, offering to foreign powers tho
principle of reciprocity in the coiiiiiierce and
navigation of the United States with them. Out
of these acts have sprung it CIHSS, and it large
class, of treati_es (four or five of which were no-
gntlated while I was in the Department of State)
coininonlycalled reciprocity treaties, concluded
under all the Presidents from Mr. Madison to
Mr. Van Buren, inclusive. And with regard to
cominerciiiltreaties, negotiated with the sanc-
tion of prior acts of Congress, where they con-
tained either appropriations, or were in conflict
with unreponlod statutes, it has been ever held
as the republicaii doctrine, from Mr. J'iiy’s treaty
down to the present time. that the passage of
acts of Congzross was iiecessury to secure the
execution of those treaties. If, in the niiittor of
foreign commerce, in respect t:o which the pow-
ervcstcd in Congress to regulate it and the
treaty-makingpower may be regarded as con-
current, Congress can previously decide. the ob-
jects to which negotiation shall be applied, how
much stronger is the case ofwar; the power to
declare which is confided C1‘(?llIS’f7JCl:l/ to Congress’!
I conclude, therefore, Mi‘. President. and fol-
low citizens. with entire confidence, that Con-
gress has the right, either at the beginniiig, or
prosecution of any war, to decide the objects
and purposes for which it was proclaimed, or for
which it ought to be continued. And. I think it
is the duty of Congress, by some deliberate and
authentic act, to declare for what ob'ects the
proseut war shall be longer pi-osectito . I sup-
pose the President would not hesitate to regu-
late his conduct by the pronounced will of Con-
gress, and to employ the force and the diplo-
matic power ofthe nation to execute that; will.
But, if the President should decline or hesitate
to do so. and, in contempt of the supreme au-
thority of Congress, should persevere in waging
the war, for other objects than those proclaimed
by Congress, then it would be the imperative
duty of that body to vindicate its authority by
the most stringent and effectual, and 2ippropri—’
ate uieusures. Aiid, if on the contrary, the on-
cmy should refuse to conclude n treaty, con-
tiihiiiig i=i'i;:ul=itions :3: cu ing the ( lijccts o.:sigiin-
ted by Congress, it ~tvoul(Lbecomo the duty of
the whole Government; to prosecute the war,
with [Ill the national energy, until those objects
were attained by a-gtreaty of peace. There
can be no iiisuperuble difficulty in {Congress
making such an authoritative declaration. Let
it resolve, simply, t.li_at the war shall or slmll not
be it war of conquest; and,if'a‘wnrof conquest,
what is to be conquered. Should a resolution
pass disclaiming the design of conquest, peace
would follow in less than sixtydays, if the Presi-
dent would conform to his constitutional duty.
Here, fellow citizens I might pause. having
indicated ii mode by which the nation, through
its accredited and lcgitiiniile i'epi'osciitativcs‘ in
Congress. can iimioiiiice for \\‘ll:il'. ptirposcs and
objects this war shall be longer prosecuted, and
can thus let the whole people of the United
States know for what end their blood is to be
further shed, and their treasure fartlier expon-
ded, iiistend ofllio knowledge of it being lockcil
up and concealed in the bosom ofoiic iiian. Y-Ve
should no longer perceive the objects ofthe war‘.
varyiiig, from time to time, according to tlici
cliauging opinions of the Chief l\liigisti‘iilea
clinrged Willi its prosecution. But: I do not:
think it right to stop lioro.
It it the privilege of"
the people, in their priiiiiiry iissriiililiosz, and of
every private man, liowevor huiiiblo, to express
an opinion in regard to the purposes for whicli
the v.'iirsliould be eoiiliiiiied; and such an ex-
pression will receive just us iiiiich coiisidcriitioii
and coiisoquence as it is eiiiitled to. and no more.
Shall this war be prosecuted for the purpose
ofconquoring and aiiiicxiiig Mexico, in all its
boundless extent, to the United States?
,I will not attribute to the Pi'e:=ideiit oftlio U.
Status any such design; but I confess I have
been sliocked and nlui'iiiod by iuaiiifezsliitioiis of
it in various quiiiters. Of all ilie dsiiigors and
iiiisfortuiies which could befall this iizitioii, I
should ri-giird that ofits becoiiiiiig ii tvuilikcziiid
conquering power t.ho iiiost dii-ofiil and fiitrl.
Ilistory tells the iiiouiiifiil title of couqucriiig nu-
tionsiiiid conquerors. The three most cclclii~:i-
ted coiiqiicrei's. in the civilized world, were Al-
oxuiidcr, lzcsar, and Napoleaii. The first, after
ovcrruiining a large portion of Asia, ii ml sigliiiig
and lamenting that there were no more worlds
to subdue, met a premafiiro and igiioblo (loiilli.
His lieutcniiiits quarrclod iiiid wurrcd with each
other as to the spoils of his victories, and finally
lost them iill. Cicsiir, after conquering (:lnul, re-
'lul‘ll(‘.('l with his triuiiipliaiit legions to Rome,
passed the Rubicon, won the battle of Phursii-
liii, friiiiipled upon the liliorties of his country,
and expired by the patriot: luiiid ofBi'utus. But.
Reine ceased to be free. '
liiid ciiorvzited and corrupted the iiizzssos. The,
spirit of true liberty viis oxtiiigiiisbcd, and iii
the the consequence to ll(‘l‘ or to us?
ted States and those of Mexico, if they were;
united together’! \Vhy should we seek to iu—'
terfore with them in their mode of worship of "
ucommou Saviour? \Ve believe that they are‘
wrong, especially in the exclusive__ character of
their faith, and that we are right. They think,
that they are right and we wrong. What other
rule can there be than to leave the followers of_
each religion to their own solemn coiivict.ioiis of
conscientious duty toward God '! \Vlio, but the
great Arbiter of the Universe, can judge in such;
8_question? For my own part, I sincerely be-1
licve and hope that those. wliobclong to all the '
departmeiits of the great Clinrcli of Christ, if,
l|l.Il'U.tll and purity, they conform to the doc-
trines which they profess, will ultiiiizitely secure
uii iibode in those regions ofbliss which all aim
fin-illy _to reach. I think that there is no pot-
cnliite in Europe, wliatever his religion may be,
iiiore enlightened or at this iiiomciit so interes-
ting as the liberal head ofllie Papal Sec.
But I suppose it to be impossible that those who
favor, iflhe-re be any who favor, the iiiiiioxntion
of Mexico to the United States, can think that.
it ought. to be pei°pctiially g(}\'€‘.l'llf‘.(l by man.
tiiry sway. Ceilaiiily iio rotary _ofhuiiiun lib-
crtv could deeiii it tight that 21 violation slmuld
be pei'pctruto(l of the great. pi'in.'-iples of our
own Revolution, according to which laws ought‘
not to be ciiucted and l't‘.X('S ought not to be lov-
iod, without. rcpi'csciitiitioii on the part of those‘
who are to obey the one and pay the other.
Then, Moxicozis to participate in our councils'
and equally share in our lirgislzitioii and govcrn— f
meiit. But suppose she. would not voluntarily
choose 'l'0])l'OS(‘lll'ill.lV(‘.S totlie Nzititiiiiil Congress,
is our soldiory to follow the (‘l(‘('l()l'S to the bul-
lot box, and by force to coiiipt:-l rlicni, at the"-
point of the liayiiot, to deposit their ballots ?—
And how are the nine iiiillioii.-1: of Mexicaii pm-‘
plc to be i'¢>pi'eseiitcd iii the Coiigrcss of the
United States of Ainerii-a and the Congress of
the U. S. of the Republic of Mexico coinliiiiod?
ls C‘-very Mexican, witliout ri-g:ii'(l to color or
caste, per capitiiiii, to exercise the (-—lc(:tive
franchise? How is the quota of ropi'esoiitu--
tion between the two R(.'1)lll)llCS to be fixed ?—
\Vliore is the seat of common govoriiiiioizt; to
be estiililislied? And who can fort-.-zoo or forc-
tcll, ifMcxico, voluiitiirily or by force, wlicre lo ’
sliuro iii the coiiiiiioii goveriiiiioiit, what would .
Uiipi'e- l
pared, as I fear lior population yet is, for ill‘). 1
practical eiijoyineiit of self govcriiiiieiit, and of‘
lllll)llS, customs, language, laws and religion, so
totally dili'erent from our own, we should pi'o— j
sent the revolting spccliiclo of'_ ii confused, dis- ‘
lltlVC ii Mexican I’a,i'ly, ii Pticific Ocean Pat-fy. l
an Atlaiitic Party, in addition to the other Pair-l
cing distraction, disscnsions,' division. possibly
disuiiion._ Let:_tlierefoi'c the integrity of tlie__na-
tioiial existence and,national territory of Mexico
remain undisturbed. For one, I desire to see
no part of her tcrritoryfitorn from her by war.
Some of our people have placed their hearts upon
the acquisition of the Bay [of San]?gFrar.c'8:o in
upper California. To us as a great maritiine
power, it might prove to be of ‘advantage here-
after in respect to our commercial and navigat-
ing interests_.§To Mexico, Which canfincver be
a great inaritime power, it can never be of much
advantage. If we can obtain it by fair purchase
for fl_]l1$.l1eql)l\'tllC‘lll’, I should be happy to seeit
so acquiied. As, wliencvcr the war ceases,
Mexico opglit to be i'equi1'cd:_to pay the debts
duo our cilizciis, perhaps an QqulV'ulellt for that
-)- V s 7 I ' T
Lu) n._a} _be found in thutfidebt, our got ernniem;
assuming to pay to our citizens wliutever portion
Of it may be applied to that Eobject. But it
-should foim no motive in the prosecution of the
war, which I would not continuc§a§.<.olitary hour
for the sake-{of that harbor. '
But. wlint, it will be asked, shiill [we make
})(':t(:e without any indemnity for lll8E8X}.‘(‘-DSOS
of the war? lfthe published documents in re-
liition to the late negotiations between Mr.
Trist and the Mexican Coinniissioiiers be true,
and I have not seen them llllyWll(:l'6 contradic-
ted, the Excciilive properly waived any deiiirnd
of iiideiiiiiity for the (‘X[‘0llS(?5 of the war. And
the rupture of that negotiation was produced, by
our (.lovciiTiiieiit insistiiig 11,0!) :1 ccssion from
Mexico, cftlic strip of iiio:-fly barren land be-
tween the NP1l(‘CS:1ll(l llic§_I\"o l‘ri:vo'rind New
Mexico, which Mexico i'efii.cc(l to niake. So
that we are now figliling, ifiiot for the conqtiest
of all Mexico, as iiitiiiiated in some quiirlers, for
that iiarrow strip, ard for tho bui'i'L-ii’ province
of Ncw—Mexico, with its fciv llll.“el‘&ll.lle niiiics.
\Vo bought all the proviiice of Louisiniiii for
fifteen iiiillioiis'ol' dollars, and it is,§iii llt)’E(i1llI§‘iOU
worth more than all Mexico together. \Ve -
litiiight Florida at five iiiilliniis of dollars, and n
l;ui'd§liai'gii'iii it was. since, beside that sum, we
have up the boundary of the Rio Bi am, to ivhich
I think we were oiititlird, as the wcsterii limit
ofthe-. Province of Loui.~:iiiiia,iiiid were i'csti'ictod
t.) that of the Sabine. And we are now, if not
seokiiig the conquest of all Illt-.:«;ico, to coiitiiiiio
this \Var iiiiiefiiiitely for the iiit-oi:sitlcrablo ob-
ject to \‘.'l!lCll I have just lCfl'.‘.l'l'(_‘(l.
But, it will be i~opt-an-il, are we to have no
iiidciiiiiily foi'tlio(~);pciiscs of flit-.f\\iii"lE_l\‘Icxico
is llll't\l"l.)-' unable to llltllin its llll_V,-“}‘l(3C\1lllill')' ll‘-
deiiiiiily. ifthc jiistico of the war on our part:
eiitillod us to dciniiiid it. I91‘ couiitry has been
‘Var and conqiir-st.‘ ‘ml-‘led, mid motley Govuriiiiioii.t. \Vc woiild ' laid \\’2l.“lt‘., lior cities buriiod or occiipit.-d by our
troops. her iiieiiris so (-xliiiiisztoil that she is unu-
blc to pay even her own :!l‘llllt‘S. And every
long line 0,-umPL_,.O,.S 5,,(.,,_.,-_.edO,_]‘ some of “.1m,,, l tics, which exist, or with vvliicl.i we are llii'eat- da_y‘s proscculioii of tho \Vni', \\'l'lllt3 it would
were the most oxccriiblo iiioiistcrs in liuiiiaii
form. And that most OX1l‘t’.Ol'(lllllll'y man, poi‘-
liaps, in all history, aflei‘ siibjiigiitiiig all conti-
rioiitiiil Europe, occupying iiliiiost. all its capitals
—seriously threatiiing, according to M. 'l.‘lieii's,
proud; Albion itself——iiiid dockiiig tho brows of
various iiiciiibers of his fiimily with croiviis torn
from the heads of other iiioniirclis, lived to be-
held his own dour France itselfiu the possess-
ion of his enemies, and was made liiiiisulf ii
wretched captive, and far removed from country,
family, and friends, breathed his last on the dis-
tuiit and inhospitable rock of St. I-lclciia. The
Alps and the Rhino had hooii CltlllllC:(l_,_llS the
natural bouiidaries of France, but even these
could not be secured in the treaties to which she
was reduced to submit. Do you believe that
the people of Macedon or Greece, ofRome, or
of It‘i'aiice, wci'obciiclitl'ed, iiidividuallyor collec-
tively, by the triiziiiplis of llioirgreiit Captains?
Tlicir sud lot. was iiiiiiiciise sacrifice of life,
heavy and intolerable buidoiis, and the ultimate
loss of liberty.
That. the power of the United States is coin-
pcteiit to the conquest of Mexico is quito prelim-
lilo. But it could not be acliievod without
frightful c:ii'iuigc, dreadful siicriliccs of liiiiiiaii
life, and the ct‘('iifl0tl of an oiiorons niitioiiiil
debt; nor could it be completely effected, in all
probability, until after the lapse of iiiiiiiy yours.
It would be iiecessuiy to occupy all its strong.
holds, to disariii its iiiliabitmits, and to keep
them in constant fear and subjection. To coii-
sumniate the \\‘0l‘l\’, I pl'(‘.Sllllle that standing or-
mies, not less than n liuiidred tlioiisaiid lll0ll,l
would be necessary, to be kept perhaps always‘
in the bosom of their country. Tlicso standing
ariiiies rcveliiig in a foreign land, and nccii.-itom-
ed to trample upon the liberties of a foreign
people, at some distant day, iiiiglit be fit and
ready iustrunieiits, uiider the loud ofsoine dar-
ing and unpi-iiiciplcd chieftuiii, to return to their
country and prostrate the public liberty.
Supposing the conquest to be once made,
what is to be done with it? Is it to be govern-
ed, like Roman Provinces, by Procoiisuls?
VVould it be compatible with the genius, cliiirac
tor and safety of our free institutions, to keep
such a grezit country as Mexico, with it popula-
tion of not less than nine millions, in a state of
constant military subjection ?
Shall it be annexed to the United States?
Does any coiisiderate niaii believe it possible
that two such iiiimeiisc couiifries, with territo-
ries of nearly equal extent. with populations so
iiicoiigruous, so differentin race, in languagn, in
religion and in laws, could be blended togotlior
in one liiiriiiiiiiious mass, and ‘happily govern ed
by one common authority? Mui'ii'iui's, discon-
tent, iiisurrcctioiis, rebellion would inevitably
ensue, until the iiicoiiiputiblo parts would be
broken flS'tlll(l(‘.l‘, and possibly. in the friglitful
struggle, our pi'o.c.eiit glorious Union itsclfivould
be disscvered or dissolvctl. \Vc ought not to
forget the warning voice of all liistory, which
teaches the difficulty of conibiniiig and consoli-
dating togetlior, coiiqucriiig and conqiiered na-
tions. After the lapse of eiglit huiidred yours,
duriiig which the Moors hold their coiiqiicst‘. of
Spain, the indoiiiitablc cotii':i_go, perseverance
and obstinucy of the Spiiiiisli race finally tri-
unipbcd over and expelled the African invaders
from the Peninsula. And even within our own
time, the colossal power of Napoleon, when at
its loftiest height, was iiicoinpetoiil: to subdue
and subjugute the proud Ciistilian. And hero
in our own iieigliborliood, Lower Cuiiiidn.
wliich neiiroiio hundred years ago. after llie
conclusion of tlie sovoii yours’ war, was ceded ,
by France to Great Britain, reinniiis ii fot'eigii
land in the mid.~'.l: of tlio Brilisli proviiicos, for-
eign in feelings and iittacliiiioiit, and ft)l'0lg.l,1 in
laws, lniiguagc and religion. And what has
been the fact with poor, gallant, generous and
oppressed Ireland I Cciituries have pas.-:od
since the overbearing Saxon ovori-an and sub-
ducd the Emerald Isle. Rivers of Irish blood
have flowed, during the long and arduous contest.
Insurrection and rebellion have been the order
of the day; and yet, up to this time, Irclund re-
mains alieii in feeling, affcctioii & sympathy to-
ward the power which has so long home her
down. Every Irishman liates, with a mortal
hatred, his Saxon opprcssor. Although tliore
iire grout territorial differeiices between the
condition of England and Ireland, as compared
to that ofthe United ‘States and Mexico, there
are some points of striking resemblance between
them. Both the Irish and the Mexicans are
probably of the same Cc-ltic race. Both the
English and the Americans are of the same
Saxon origin. The Catholic religion predomi-
mites in both the former; the l’i'ot.estant relig-
ion predoiiiinates in the latter. Religion has
been the fruitful cause of dissatisfiictioii and dis-
contcnt bot-worn the Irish and the Eng‘i.<.li na-
tions. ls there no reason to apprehend that it
cued, each striving to execute its own particular =
views and piirposes, and i‘opi'o:i<:Iiiiig the otliers .
with thwartiiig and disappoiiiting them. Thcl
tVloxiciin i°opi'oso1itiitioii, iii Cori,-",i'os-‘s, would
probably form it sopaiatc and illl[iell(-}ll'lll)lu 3
corps, always ready to throw ii.-rclfiiiio the sciilo :
of any other part_\', to advance and proiiiolo
Mexican iiit.ei'cst.~:. Such a stat o of tliiiigs could A‘
not long eiidure. Those, wlioni God and g€‘.(H_'-',
riipliy lizivo proirouiicml slioiild live }‘iSlll'l(i(".l'. 3
could rieverbe [lCl’Illfll'lL‘l:ll_)' and ll{ll'll!(}illUli.\‘l‘.'[
united together. A ’
Do we want for our own liappiiiess and great-
ness the addition of Mexico to the oxistiiig Un-
ion ofour States? If our population were too
dense for our tei°riloi'_v. and there wasu difficul-
ty in obtaining honorably tho nit.-nus of subsis-
teiico, there. miglit be some oxciisc for an at-
lt-inpt to ciilargc our doiiiiiiioiis. But we liavo
no such apology. \‘.'o have :ili'ead_v in our glo-
rious couiitry, ii vast and uliiiost bouiidless terri-
tory. Beginning at the North, to thefrozeii ro-
gioiis oftlio Britisli provinces, it .‘-'fl't?lClli"SlllOll-
sands of miles along the coast of the Atlantic
OC(.‘tlllt1ll(l the Mi-xiciiii (.w‘ulf', uiilil l_it aliiiost
reiiclics tho 'l‘rcpics. ll‘ extoiids to the I’iit:ific
Occaii. borders on those great iiiluud soiis, the
Lakes, wliicli scpzirntc us froiii tlic possessions
of Great Britaiii, and it eiiibriiccs the great fath-
er of rivers, from the upperiiiost source to the
Bnlize, and the still longer Missoiiri, from its
mouth to the gorges of the Rocky Mountains.
It coiiiprolieiids the greatest variety of the rich-
est soils, capable ofaluiost all the productions
ofthe earth, except tea and coffee and the spi-
ces; and it includes every variety of climate,
which the heart could wish or desire. ‘»Vc
have more than ten thousand millions of acres
of waste and iiiiscttled laiids-—eiioiigli for the
subsistence of'“roii or twenty times our present
population. Ought we not to be satisfied with
such a country? Ought we not to be pro-
foiindly tliiiiikful to the Giver of all good tliiiigs
for such a bottiitiful laud? Is it not the height
of iiigrutitiide to Iliiii, to seek, by \Vf1l‘v8.ll(l con-
quest, iiidulgiiig in ii spirit of rapacity, to acquire
other laiuds, the homes and ll1ll)li.HtlODS of ii large
poi-tioiiofl-Iis coiiiiiioii children? If we per-
suo the object ofsuch it conquest, beside mort-
gagiiig the revenue and resoui’ccs of this coun-
try for ages to come, in the form of an oiierous
Nzitiouiil Debt, we should have greatly to aug-
ment that Debt by an assuiiiptioiioftlie sixty or
seveiity millions ofthe Natioiial Debt of Mexi-
co. For I take it that iiotliiiig is more ccrtaiii
tlia ii that, if We obtain voluiilarily or byconquest;
:1 foreign nation, we acqnii'o with it all the iii-
cuiiibi'auc_cs uftaclicd to it. In my humble
opinion, we are no\v bound, in honor and iiio-
rality, to pay the just debt of Texas. And we
should be equally bound, by the same obliga-
tions, to pay the debt ofMoxico ifit were unex-
cd to the United States.
Of -the possessions which appertain to man,
in his collective or iiidividuiil t-ondition, none
should be preserved and cherished with more
sedulous and l'llll‘Cll‘lltl'lllg care than that ofuii
unsullied cliui'acte1'. It is iiiipossible to estim-
ate it too highly in society wlicii uttuclied to an
individual, nor can it be exaggerated or too grcii t-
ly magnified in a nation. Those who lose, or
are iiidiffcreiit to it, bocoiiio just objects ofscorii.
and contempt. Of all the uboiiiiiial tmiisnctioiis
which sully the pages of history, none exceed
in enoriiiity that of the (lisiiicinberiiicnt and par-
titioii of Poland by the three groiit coiitineiitul
powcrs——Russia, Austria and Prussia. Ages
ill.’-ly pass away. and ceiiturics roll around, but
so long as huiiiiiii records oiidui'c, all mankind
will unite in execrating the riipucious anddcles-
table deed. That. was ttC’.0l1lpllSll(.'(l by over-
whelming force, and "tho lllllI)l'I.Umll’O existence
of fatal disseiitioris and divisions in the bosom of
Poland. Let us avoid affixing to our name and
iiutioiiul cliu1‘act.cr n siiiiiliir, if not a worse stig-
ma. ' I am afraid that we do not now stand wdll
in the opinion of other parts of Cliristciidom.
rcpiidiiition has brought upon us much roproacli.
All the nations, I appreliciid, look upon us, in
the prosecution of the present war, as being ac-
tuated by it spirit of'i-opacity, aiidaii inordiiinte
desire for territorial aggraiidizoinonr. Let us
not forfeit altogether their good opinions. Let.
us coiiiiiiiiiid their applause by-ii noble ex'r-rcise
of forbeuraiice uudjustico. In the elevated stu-
tion which we hold, we can safely offord to
practice the god-like virtues of moderatioii and
iiiagnauiniity. The long series ofglorious tTi-
uiiiphs achieved by our gallant commanders and
their brave armies. unattended by 71 single re-
verse, justify us, without the least: danger of
tarnishing the nntioinil honor, in disinterestedlv
holding out the olive branch of peace. We do
not want-tlie mines, the mountains, the morass-
es, and the sterile lands of Mexico. To her the
loss of them would be humiliating, and be it per-
petual source of regret,and m_ortificution. To
would become sobctwccii the people of the Uni
augmeiit'tlie aiiiount of our iudi-iiiiiil_v, would
lcsscii the ability of Mexico’ to pay it. \Vo
have seen, liowcver, tliafll‘-.ci'e is iinolher form
in which we are to dciiiuiid iiidoiiiiiity. It is to
be i.IJl'l'll.Ol‘|lll lllLlt‘lllllll_‘_v’l Iliope, for reasons;
ali'ci:<ly .‘-'l',illt'tl, that; that fii'clii'iiiid will, not be
l)l'()ll_L_[lli into our co'tiiifi'y.
, Among the i'cs:nlulioiis, wliich it is my inten-
tion to present. for your (:UllSi(lC‘l'lll2l(Jll, at the
coiicliisioii of this address, one proposes, in your
linliiilf and mine, to disavow, iii the most positive
l‘llillllit.‘l', any dc-sivc, on our part, to ucquire any
fomigii territory wliutevcr, for the purpose of
iiitrodiicing sliiviwy into it. I do not know that
any ciiizcii of the United States ciitcrtaiiis such
it wisli. But such a motive liiis often been im-
parted to the .‘:'lnvc States, and l ilicrcforc tliiiilr. .
it necessary to notice it on this occzisioii.- My
opinions on tho siibjcct of Slavery are well
known. They have the merit, if it be one, of
Cllllrllsicllcy, uiiiforiiiiiy, and long duration. I
have over i'egzii'dc<,l Slavery as a great evil, it
wrong, for the present, l fear, an irreincdiiiblc
wrong, to its uiiforluiiuto victims. I should re-
joicc if not it single shire broiitlicd the air or was
within the limits of 01 1' country. But hcie \
they are, to be dealt with as well as we can,
with a duo coiis'.<.lorntioii of all circumstiiiices
iiiicctirig the security, safely and happiness of
both races. Every state has the supreme, un-
controlled and exclusive power to decide for
itsclf\vlietliei'slavery shall cease or continue
within its liiiiits, without any cxtorior iiilei'v(-ii-
tion from any qiiz:i'tci'. lu States, \\‘l]0l‘c the
slaves outiiuinber tho wliitus, as is the case with
several, the blacks could iiotbe cimiiicipiited and
invested with all the rights of f'i't-eiiioii, without;
becoiiiiiig the governing race in those Stiitos.——
Collisions and conflicts, between the tvvo\races.
would be iiievitiiblc, and, after sliockiiig scciies
ofriipiiio and carnage, the extinction or expul-
sioii ofthe l)l1lCliS \voi.ild certainly take place.
in the State of Kentucky, near fifty years ago,
I thought, the proportion of slaves, in comparison
wit lie whites, was so lllCOllSl(lf.‘-Yilllle that we
might safely adopt a system of gradual emanci-
pation that would ultimately criidicuto this evil
in our St.ut.o. That sysleui was totally difi'c-reiit;
from the iuiiiiediute iibolitioii of Slavery for
which the party of the Aboliiioiiists of the pros-
eiil day contend. \Vlicthei' they have intended
it or not, it is my calm and deliberate belief
that. they have done iiicalculiible iiiiscliief oven
to the very cause which ll‘icy espoused, to say
iiothiiig of the discord which has been produced
lit-tween difi'ci'eiit parts of the Union. Accord-
ing to the systeui we alteiiipted, near the close
ofthe last century, all slaves in being were to
reinniii such ; but, all who might be born subse-
quent to ii spccifiod'duy, were to become free
at the age oflweiily-eight, and during their ser.
vice were to be taught to read, write and cypher.
Thus, iiisteudofboiiig tlirowii upon the c0iiiiiiu-
nity, ignorant and uiipmpiircd, its would be the
case by liiiiiicdiuto eiiiancipation, they would
have entered upon the possessioii oftlieir freo-
doin, capable in some degree, of enjoying it.—
After it hard struggle, the system was dofciitcd,
and I regret it extrciiiely, as, if it had l)C0lllI1Cl1‘
:t(l(ipte(l, our State would be iio\v nearly rid Of
that reproach.
Since that epoch, it scheme of unuiixed be-
nevolence has sprung up, which, if it had existed
at that time, would have obviiilcd 0110 0f H10
greatest objections, wliich was made to gradual
eiiiuiicipation, which was the coiilziiiuance of the
eiiiniiciputcd slave to abide among us. That
scheme is the Aiiioriciin Coloiiizatioii Society.
About twenty-eiglit years ago, a few individuals,
mysclfiuiioiig thorn, met togetlici in the City
of Wasliiiigton, and laid the fouiidutioii of that
Society. It has gone on amid cxtraordiiiary
difficulties mid trials, sustniiiing itselfaliiiost_on-
tiroly by spontaneous and volun,tiiry contribu-
tions, from individual beiievolcucc, with scarcely -
any aid from Govcriiment. The Colonies, plau-
ted under its auspices, are now Well estflbllslletl
coiniiiui'iit.ies, with churches, schools and 011191’
iiistltiitioiis appertaining to the civilized_stute.
They have made successful war in repelling at-
tacks and invasions by their barbarous and sav-
age neighbors. They have made treaties, un-
iiexerl territories to their doiiiinion, and are
blessed with it fr_ee representative government.
lroceiilly read a message, from one of their
Governors to their Legislature, which, in point
of couiposition, and careful attention to the pub-
Iic iifiiiii-s of their Republic, would compare ad-
vmm, geously with the Messages of the Govern-
ors of cu" own St8.teS- I 81" Q03 V017 5“P°l°‘
stitious, but I do solemnly believe that} these
Coloniesare blest With the smiles of Providence,
and if we may dare ntteu1Pl5 l"’"_°m‘:‘mg l5h0_V6l1
by which He concems His all wise dispcnsations
from mortal eves; ‘hm He duslgns that Africa
shall be the re-fuge and the home of the descen-
us they might prove a ‘fatal acquisition. produ-
ged from their native land by lawless iiileuce.
dome of its sons and daughters, torn and drng- .-
Norwalk Chronicler