Norwalk Gazette, Wednesday, March 10, 1841 · page 2

 

,_ an...
.x ...

p

 

i

‘S ,. Z ., -- l . 

if’

a

tion of the present proprietor of the estate.
which has descended from our Kate, they
may hear her story with increased interest.
from the lips of some of her fair descendants;
and upon taking a view of the place, Where
she crossed amid such perils, they will not
be supprised to learn that the circumstance
should have given to_it the name of the
“‘MAIDEN’s ADVENTURE.”

President Har1'ison’s

lt‘ll.llllllilllL- llflllllllif. ,

Called from a retirement which I had sup-
posed was to continue for the residue of my
life, to fill the Chief Executive office of this
great and free nation, I appear before Y0"-
fellow-citizens, to take the oath which the
Constitution describes as a necessary ‘l”al‘fi'
cation for the performance of its duties. And
in obedience to a custom. Coyvfllr Willi 0”!‘
Government, and what I believe to be your
expectations. I proceed to P"-’S_9mt0_Y0“ 3
summary ofthe principles Wl1lCl1.\Vlll gpv-
ern me in the discharge of the duties which
I shall be called-uipoii to perform. _
It was the remark ofa Roman Consul .1!)
an early period of that celebrated Republic,
that a most striking contrast was observable
in candidates for offices of power and trust
before and after obtaining them--they sel-
dom carrving out in the latter case the
pledges made in the former. I-lowever much
the world may have improved in many res-
pects, intlie lapse of upwards oftwo thousand
years since the remark wa_s made by the
virtuous and indignant Roman, 1 fear that a
strict examination of the annals of some of
the modern elective Governments would de-
velop similar instances of violated confidence.

V Althoiigh the fiat of the P9‘_’Ple has, gone
forth. proclaiining me the Chief Magistrate
ofthis glorious Union. nothing upon their
part remaining to be done, it may be thought
that a motive may exist to keep up the delu-
sion under which they may be supposed to
have acted in relation to my principles and
opinions; and perhaps there may be some
in this assembly who have come here either
prepared to condemn those I shall now de-
liver, oi‘, approving them, to doubt the sin-
cerity with wliich they are uttered. But the‘
lapse of a few months will confirm or dispel
their fears. The outline of principles to

govern, and measures to be adopted by an
“Administration, not yet begun. wi.ll 9000 be

exchanged for immutable history,and Ishall
stand either exonerated by my countrymen,
or classed with the mass of those who prom-
ised that they might deceive, and flattered
with the intention to betray.

However strong may be my present purpose
to realize the expectations of a magnanimous
and confiding people. I too well understand
the infirmities of human nature, and the
dangerous ternptations to which I shall be
exposed, from the magnitude of the power
which it has been the pleasure of the people
to commit to my hands. not to place my chief
confidence upon the aid of the Almighty
Power which has hitherto protected me, and
enabled me to bring to favorable issues other
important but st.ill inferior trusts, heretofore
confided to me by my country.

The broad foundation tipon which our
Constitution rests being the pcople——a breath
of theirs having made. as a breath can un-
make, change or modify it—it can be assign-
ed to none of the great divisions of govern-

ment but that of Democracy. If such is its
theory. those who are called upon to admin-
ister it must recognise, as its leading princi-
ple, ‘-the ditty ofshaping their measures so as
to produce the greatest good to the greatest
number. But, with these broad admissions.
if we would coippare the sovereignty ac-
knowledged to exist in the mass ofour Peo-
ple with the power claimed by other sover-
eigntics, even by those which have been con-
sidered most purely democratic, we shall
find a most esseiitial difference. All others
lav claim to power limited only by their own
will. The majority of our citizens, on the
contrary. possess a sovoreigntv with an a-
mounrof power preciselyequal to that which
has been granted to them bvrthe parties to
the national compact, and nothing b_eyond.—-

’ lVe admit of noGovei'nmcnt by divine right;

believing that, so far as power is concerned,
the beneficentCrr-ator has made no distinction
amongst men, that all are upon an equality,
and that the only legitimate right to govern
is an express‘ grant of power from the_gov'-
erned. The Constitution ofthe UnitedStates
 -the instrument containing this grant of
power to the several departments composing
the Government. On an examination ofthat
instrument it will be found to contain certain
declarations of power granted, and of power
withheld. The latter is also susceptible of
division into power which the majority had
the right to grant, but which they did not
think proper to entrust to their agents,and that
which they would not have grante.d.not being
possessed by themselves. In other words,there
are certain rights possessed by each individ-
ual American citizen. which, in his compact
with" the others. he has never surrendered.
Some of them, indeed, he is unable to sur-
render, being, in the language of our sys-
tem unalienable. ’

The boasted privilege of a Roman citizen
was to him a shield only against a petty
provincial ruler, whilst the proud democrat
of Athens could console himself under a
sentence ofdeath, for a supposed violation of
the national faith, which no one understood,
and which at times was the subject of the
mockery of all, or of banishment from his
home, his family, and his country. with or
without an alleged cause; that it was the
act not of a single tyrant,or hated aristocracy,
but of his assembled countryiiicn.' Far dif-
ferent is the power of our" sovereignty. It can
interfere with no man’s faith,prescribe forms
of worship for oiie’s observance, inflict no
punishment but after ‘well-ascertained guilt,
the result of investigation underforms pre-
scribed by the Constitution itself. These
precious privileges. and these scarcely less
important,ofgiving expression to his thoughts
and opinions. either by writing or speaking,
unrestrained but by the liability for injury to
others, and that of a full participation in all
the advantages which flow from the Govern-
ment, the acknowledged property of all, the
American citizen ‘derives from no jcharter
granted by his felloiw-man". Ile claims them

I

‘because he is himself a man, fashioned-by

the same Almighty hand as the rest of his
species, and entitled to a full share of the

. In

blessings; with which he h_as.endowed him.
‘Notwithstanding the limited sovereignty
possessed by the people of the United Stateei
and the restricted grant of power to the Gov-
erement which tlieyhave ‘adopted, enough
has been given to accomplish all the objects
for which it was created._ It has been found
powerful in war, and. lilt_l1€Tl0. Jl{Sll‘3e has
been administered, an..intiinate union effect-~
led, domestic. tranquility pi‘t‘_S9l‘\’€d. and D37‘
sonal liberty secured to the citizens. As was
..to be expected, however, from the defect of
language, and the necessarily sententious
manner in which the~Constitution is written,
disputes have arisen as to the amount of
power which it has actually granted. 91' W33
intended to grant. This is more particular-
ly the case in relation to that part of tll8‘Ifl'
strumt-nt which treats of the legislative
branch. And not only as regards the exer-
cise of powers claimed under a general
clause,giving that body the authority to pass
all laws necessary to carry ‘into effect the
specified powers, but in relation to_the latter
also. It is, however, consolatory to reflect
that most of the instances alleged departure
from the letter or spirit of the Constitution,
have ultimately received the sanction of a
majority of the people. And the fact,‘ that
many of our statesmen, most distinguished
foistalcnt and patriotism, have been, at one
time or other of their political career, on
both sides ofeach ofthe most warmly disputed
questions, forces upon us the inference that
the errors, if errors they were. are attributa-
ble to the intrinsic difficulty. in many instan-
ccs, ofasccrtaining the intentions ofthe fra-
mers _ of the Constitution rather than the
influence of any sinister or unpatriotic mo-
tive. . l _ .

But the great danger to our institutions
does not appear to me to be in a usurpation,
by the Government. of power notgranted by
the People, but by the accumulation, in.one
of the departments, ofthat which was assign-
ed to others. Limited as are the powers
which have bet-n granted, still enough have
been granted to constitute a despotism, if
concentrated in any one ofthe departmc-r'its.
This danger is greatly heightened, as it has
always been observable that men are
less jealous of encroachments of one depart-
ment upon another than upon their own re
served rights.

When the Constitution ofthe UnitedStatcs
first came from the hands ofthe Convention
which formed it, many of the sternest 're-
publicans ofthe day were alarmed at the ex-
tent ofthe power which had been granted to
the Federal Government, and more particu-
larly of that portion which had been assigned
to thcExecutive branch. "l'here were that in
its features which appeared not to be in liar-
mony with their ideas ofa simple representa-
tive democracy, or republic. And knowing
the tendency of power to increase itself, par-
ticularly when executed by a single individ-
ual, predictions were ma e that, at no very
remote period, the Government would ter-
minute in virtual monarchy. It would not
become me to say that the fears of these pa-
triots have been already realized. But, as I
sincerely believe that the tenkncy of meas-
ures, and of men’s opinions, for some years
past, has been in that direction, it is, I con-
ceive. strictly proper that I should take the
occasion to repeat the assurances I have here-
tofore given, of my determination to arrest the
progress ofthat tendency, if it really exists,
and restore the Government to its pristine
health and vigor, as far as this can be effect-
ed by any legitimate exercise of the power
placed in my hands. _

I proceed to state,in as ‘summary a manner
as 1 can, my opinion of the sources of the
evils which have been so extensively com-
plained of, and the correctives which may
be applied. Some of the former are unques-
tionably to be found in the defects ofthe Con-
stitution. Others, in myjudgement, are attri-
butablc to "a misconstruction of some of its
provisions. Ofthe former is the eligibility
of the same individual to a second tcrmofthe
Presidency. The sagacioiis mind of Mr.
Jcfierson early saw and lamented this error,
and attempts have been made. hitherto with-
out success, to apply the amcndatory power
ofthe States to its correction.

As, however, one mode ofcorrcction is in
the power olevcry President, and consequent-
y in mine, it would be useless. and perhaps
invidious, to enumerate the evils of which, in
the opinion of many of our fellow-citizens.
this error oftliesages-who framed the Con-
stitution-ni-.iy have been the source, and the
bitter fruits which we are still to gather from
it if it continues to disfigure our system. It
_may ‘be observe-d, liowevor, as a general
l'€fIlt1fl{,tl1.'l.l.I‘€'pUl)llCal'lSCi1n commit no great-
er error to adopt or continue any feature in
their systems of Government which may be
calculated to create or increase the love of
power in the bosoms of those to whom ne-
cessity obliges them to commit the manage-
ment of their afiairs. And surely nothing
is more likely to produce such a state of
mind than the long continuance of an office
of high trust. Nothing canbe more corrupt-
ing.-nothing more destructrive of all those no-
blefeeling which belong to the character ofa
devoted republican patriot. When this cor-
rupting passion once takes possession of the
human mind, like thelove of gold, itbecomes
insatiable. It is the never dying worm in
his bosom, grows with his growth, and
strengthens with the declining years of its
victim. If this is true, it is the part of wis-
dom for a republic to limit the servi_ce of
that officer, at least,to whom she has entrusted
the management of her foreign relations, the
execution of her laws, and the‘command of
her armies and navies to a period so short
as to prevent its forgetting that he is the ac-
countable agent, not the princip'al—the servant
not the master.. Until an amendment of the
constitution can be effected, public opinion
may secure the desired object. I, give my
aid to it byrrenewing the pledge heretofore
given, that, under no circumstances, will“ I
consent to serve a second term.

But if there is danger to public liberty
from the acknowledged defects of ‘the Cori-
stitution, in the want of limit to the continu-
ance of the Executive power in the same
hands, there is, I apprehend, not much less
from a misconstruction of that instrument, as
it regards the power actually given. -I can-
not conceive t-hat, by a ftiir construction, any
or either of its provisions would be bound to
constitute the President a part of the legisla-

tive power. It cannot be claimed _froui the

....-_ .. ....'~... -t.._.. .

power to recommend. since, although enjoin-
ed as a duty, upon him, it is a privilege which
he holds in common with ‘cveryother citi-
zen. And although there _may be some-
thing more of confidence in the propriety of
the measures recommended in the one case
than in the other, in the obligations of ulti-
mate decision there can be no difference. In
the language of the Constitution. “all the
legislative powers” which it grants “are
vested in the Congress ofthe United States.
It would be a solecism in language -to say
that any portion ofthese is not included in
the whole.

It may be said, indeed that the Constitu--
tion has given to the Executive the po_wer
to annul the acts of the Legislative body by ‘
refusing to them his assent. _So a similar
power has necessarily resulted from that in-
strument to the Judiciary: and yet the Judi-
ciary fornis no part of 'the Legislature.
There is, it is true, this difference between
these grants of Power: the Executive can
put his negative upon the acts of the Legis-
tiire for other cause than that of want often-
forinity to the'Constitution. whilst the Judi-
ciary can only declare void those wbiclt 
olate that instrument. But’ the decision of
the Judiciary is final in such a case. whereas
in every instance where the veto of the Exe-
cutive is applied. it may be overcome-by a
vote of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress.‘-
The negative upon the acts of the Legisla-
tive, by the Executive authority, and tlxit -in
the hands of one individual, would seem to
be an incongruity in our system. Like
some others ofa similar character, however,
it appears to be highly expedient; and if
used only with the forbearance and in the
spirit which was intended by its authors. it
may be productive of great good, and be
found one of the best safeguards to the Un-
ion.

At the period ofthe formation of the Con-
stitution, the principle does not appear to
have enjoyed mtich favor in the State_Gov-
ernments. It existed but in two, and in one
ofthese there was a plural Executive.‘ If
we would search for the motives which ope-
rated upon the purely patriotic and enlight-
ened assembly which framed the Constitu-
tion, for the adoption ofa provision so ap-
parently repugmnt to the leading democrat-
ic principlc, that the majority should govern,
we must rcjecxt the idea that they anticipated
from it any benefit to the ordinary course of
legislation. They knew too well the high
degree ofinte-lligence which existed amongst
the People. and the enlightened character of
the State Legislature, not to have the fullest
confidence that the two bodies elected by
them would be worthy representatives ofsuch
constituents, and, of course. that they would
require no aid in conceiving and maturing
the measures which the circumstances ofthe
country might require. Audit is preposter-
ous to suppose thata thought could for a
moment could have been entertained thatthe
President, placed at the ca pital, in the ‘cen-
tre of the country. could better understand
the wants and wishes of the Peoplethan
their own immediate representatives, __who
spend a part of every year among them, liv
ing with them, often labouring with them.
and bound to them by the trple tie of inter-

o

est, duty, and affection. , _ .~ . .. ;

To assist or control Congress, then, in

its ordinary legislation, could not, ‘I conceive
have been the motive for conferring the VFIO
power on the President. This argument
acquires additional force from the- fact of its
never having been thus used by the first six
Preside-nts—-and two of them were members
ofthe Convention, one presiding over its de-
liberations, and- the other haviiiga larger
share in consummating the labors ofthat au-
gust body than any other person. But if
bills were never returned to Congrefi by
either of the Presidents above referred to,
upon the ground of their being inexpedient,
or not as well adapted as they might be to
the wants of the People, the veto was applied
upon that of want of conformity to the Con-
stitution, or because errors had been coiumit-
ted from a too hasty enactment.

There is another ground for the adoption
of the veto principle, which had probably
more influence in recommending it to the
convention than any other. I "refer to "the
security which it gives to the just and equi-
table action of the Legislature upon all parts
of the Union. It could not but have occur-
red to the convention that, in a country so
extensive, embracing so great a variety of
soil and climate, and, consequently, of pro-
ducts, aiid which from the same causes must
ever exhibit a great difference in the amount
of the population of its various sections, call-
ing lor a great diversity in the eniploynients
ofthe people, that the legislation of the ma-
jority might not and always justly regard the
rights and interests of the intijority, and that
acts of this character might be passed, under
an express grant by the words ofthe Consti-
tution, and therefore, not within the compe-
tency of the Judiciary to declare void That
however enlightened and patriotic they riiight
suppose, from past experience, the nieirlb‘ers
of Congress might be, and however I.-n'g'¢iy:
partplcing, in the general, ofthe liberaliféel-‘
ings of the people, it was impossible to ex-
pect that bodies so constituted should not
sometimes be controlled by local lnterests
and sectional feelings. , . 5 ,

It was proper, therefore, to provide some
umpire, from whose situation and mode of ap-
pointment more independence and freedom
from _ such influences might be expected.
Such a one was afforded by the Executive
Department. constituted by the Constit-ution.
A person elected to that high office. having
his constituents in every section, State, and
subdivision of the Union, must consider him-
sclfbound by the most soloin sanctions, to
guard, protect, and defend the righis (if all,
and of every portion, great or small, from
the injustice and oppression of the rest. I
consider the veto power, therefore‘ given by
the Constitution to thc\Executive of the U.
S. solely as a conservative power to be lised
only, let. to protect the Constitution from
violation : 2dly, the People from the effects
of hasty legislation, where their will‘ has
b-. en probably disregarded or not well under-
stood, and, 3dly, to prevent the effects of
combiiiations violative of the rights ofminor-
ities. ‘ In reference to the second of thesc‘ob-
jects,I may observe that I considerit the right

4

points ofthe Constitution. arising from ‘the
general grant of power to Congress to carryl'

I .

dies which maybe at my command.
certainly a great error in the framers of the
constitution. not to have made the officer at
the head of the treasury department entirelv
independent of the'Executive. _
at least have been removable only upon the
demand of the popular branch of the legisla-
ture.
Sec. of,the Treasury without communicating
all the circumstances attending such removal
to both houses of congress.
ofthe Executive in controlling the freedom
ofthe elective franchise through the medium
_ ofthe public officers can be effectually check-
at privilege of th_e'P_eople to decide tli'sputed ‘ed by renewing the prohibition pulilished by

into effect the, powers expressly given. ‘ And
I believe with Mr. Madison, “that repeated
recognitions under varied circumstances in

acts-of the legistative, executive, and judicial

branches of the Government, accompanied
by indications in'difleren_l _modes ofthe con-
currence of the general will of the _natl0D.
as affording to the President sufficient au-
thority for his considering such disputed
points as settled. I

Upwards of half a century has elapsed
since the adoption of our present form of
government. It would be an object mo're
highly desirable than the gratification ofthe
curiosity of speculative statesmen, if its pre-
cise situation could be assertaint-d, a fair ex-
hibit ntade of the operations of each of its
departments, of the powers which they re-
spectively claim and exercise. of the collis-
ions which have occurred l)t‘l.Wet’l'l them, or
between the whole government and those of
the States, or either of them. We could then
compareour actual condition,alter fifty years’
trial of our system, with whatlit was in the
commencement of its opperations, and ascer-
tain whether the predictions of the pi.lIl‘I(_‘-f.S
who opposed its ;1doption.,or the confident
hopcsofits advocates.have been best realized.

The great dread of the former seems
to have been. tliatthe reserved powers of the
States would be absorbed by those of the
Federal Governnient, and a consolitlutetl
power established. leaving _to the States the
shadotv only. of that indcpcndtnt action for
which thcyihail so zealously contended, and
on the preservation of which they relied its
the last hope of lib--ity. \Vithout denying
that the result to which they looked with so
much apprehension is in the way of being
realized, it is obvious that they did not clear-
ly see the mode of its accomplishment.

The Gen. government has seized upon none
of the reserved rights ofthe States. As far
as any open warfare may have gone, the
state authorities have amply maintained their
rights. To acasual observer, our system
presents no appearance of discord between
the different members which compose it.
Even the addition of many new ones has
produced -no jarring. They move in their
respective orbits in perfect harmony with the
central head, and with each other. But
there is still an under current at work, by
which, if not'_scasonably checked, the worst
apprehensions of our anti-federal patriots
will be realized. And not only will the
state authorities be overshado'wed by the
great increase of power in the Executive de-
partment ofthe gfeneral government. but the
character of that government. if not its desig-
nation. be essentially and radically changed.
This state of things has been in part effected
by causes inherent in the Constitution, and
in part by the never-failing tendency of po-
litical power to increase itself. .

By making the President the sole distributor
ofall the patronage of the government, the
framers ofthe Constitution do not appear to
have anticipated at‘ how short a period it
would become a formidable instrument to
control the free operations of the state gov-
ernments. Oftrifling importance at first, it
had. early in Mr. Jef_ferson’s administration,
become so powerful as to create alarm in‘the
mind of that patriot, from the potent influence
it inigbt exert in controlling the freedom of
the elective franchise. If such could have
then been the effects of its influence. how
much greater must be the danger at this time.
quadrupled in amount. as it certainly is. and
more completely under-the control of the
executive will. than their construction of
their power allowed. ofthe forbearing char-
acters of all the early Presidents permitted
them to make? But it is not by the extent
of its patronage alone that the Executive De-
partment has become“ dangerous, but by the
use_which,it appears may be made of the
appointing power, to bring under its control
the whole revenue ofthe country.

- The Constitution has declared it to be the
duty of the President to see that the laws
are executed. and it makes him Cammander—
in-chief of the Armies and Navy of the U
S. lfthe opinion of the most approved wri-
ters upon that species of mixed government,
which. in modern Europe. is termed monar-
chy, in contradistinction to despotism. is
correct, there was wanting no other addition
to the powers of our chief magistrate to
stamp a monarcbical character on our gov-
ernment, but the control of the public finan-
ces. And to me it appears strange, indeed,
that any one should doubt that the entire
control which the President possesses over
the officers who have the custody of the pub-
lic money, by the power of removal with or
without cause, does, for all the mischievous
purposes at least. virtually subject‘ the treas-
ure also to his disposal. The first Roman
Emperor, in his attempt to sieze the sacred
treasure,silenced the oppositiontof the officer
to whose charge it had been conintittotl. by
a significant allusion to his sword. By a
selection of political instruments for the care
of the public money, a reference to their
commissions by a President. would be quite
as effectual an argument as that of Caasarto
the Roman Knight. 4

I am not insensible of the greatdifiiculty
that exists in devising a proper plan for the
safe keeping and disbursement of the public
revenue, and I know the importance which
has been attached by men of great abilities
and patriotism to the divorce. as it is called
of thetreasurv from the bankinginstitutions.
It is not the divorce which is complained of,
but the unhallowed union of the Treasury
with the Executive Department which has
created such extensive alarm. To this dan-
ger to our republican institutions,.and that
created by the influence given to the Execu-
tive through"the instrumentality ofthe feder-
al officers. I propose to apply all the reme-
It was

He should
I have determined never to remove a
The influence
Mi":iléfi'érson, forbidding their interference

in.elcctiot_is, further than giving their own

 

votes; and their independence secured byan
assurance ofperfect immunity, in exercising
this sacred privilcge "of fréeincn under the
dictates of their own unbiased judgments.
Never, with my consent, shall an officer of
the People,‘ COl1‘pt‘DSf1It-.'Cl for his services out
of their pockets, become the pliant instru-
ment of Executive will. '

There is no part of the means placed in
the hands ofthe Executive, which might be
used with greater effect for iinhallowed pur-
poses, than‘ the control of the public press.
The maxim which our ancestors derived
from thefmother country, that ‘the freedom of
the press is the great bulivork of civil and
religious liberty,’ is one of thcmostprccious
legacies they have left us. We have learn-
cd too, from our own as well as the experi-
ence of other countries, that golden shackles
by whoinsocvcr or by wliatever pretence ini-
posed, are as fatal to it as the iron bonds of
despotism. The presses in the necessary
employment of the government, should nev
er be used to clear the guilty, or varnish
criincs. ~A decent and manly examination
ofthencts of the governiiit-nt should be not
only tolerated. but encouraged.

Upon another occasion I have given my
opinion at some length, upon the iniproprie-
ty of Executive interference in the legislation
of congress. Tliatthc article in the constitu-
tionfma king it the duty?_of the president to coni-
inunicate inforintttion, and autliorizing him
to recommend mtiasiiics, was not intended to
make him the source of_lt-gislation, and, in-
pa i‘ticul;ir, that he should never be looked to
for schemes of finance. It would be very
strangejindced, that the constitution should
have st*i‘it:tly forbidden one branch of the
legislature from intci'ferit'ig in the origination
of such bills. and that it should be considered
proper ‘that an altogether different depart-
ment of the government should be permitted
to do so. Some of our best political inaxiins
and opinions have been drawn from our pa-
rent lslc. There are others, however,'which
cannot be introduced in our system without
singular incongruity, and the production of
much mischief. And tli.is. I conceive to be
one. No matter in which of the houses of

Parliiiment a bill may originate, nor by
whom introduced, a minister, or a rnenibcr
of the opposition ; by the the fiction of the
law, or rather of constitutional principle. the
sovereign is supposed to have prepared it-
agreeably to his will , and then submitted it
to Parliaincnt for their advice and conscnt.

Now, the very reverse is the case here,
not only with regard to the principle, but the
forms prescribed by the constitution. The
principle. certainly assigns to the only body
constituted l.-y the constitution (the legisla-
tive body) tlic power to make laws, and the
forms even direct that the enactment should
be ascribed to them. The Senate, in relation
to revenue bills, have the right to propose
amendments; and so has the Executive, by
the power given him to return them to'the
House of Rt-‘pl'€St‘nillll\'0S, with h is objection.
It- is in his powcr,’i'ilso, to propose amend-
irents in the existing rcvi-nue laivs.stiggosted
by his observations upon their (It-fcctivc or
injurious operation. But the delicate duty
of devising schemes of revenue sh'ould be
left where the constitution, has placed it—~—
witli the immediate representatives of the
people. For similar reasons. the mode of
keeping the public treasure should be pre-
scribed by them; and the farther i°emove_d it
may be from the control of the Executive,
the more wliolesomc the arrangement, and
the ino_re in accordance with republican
principle.

Connected with this subject is tlie—cliarac-
ter of the ctirrciice_v. The idea of making
it exculsivelj metalic, however wtll iflft’fl(.l‘r
ed, appears to me to be frougbt with more
fatal consequences than any other scheme;
having no relation to tho personal right of
the citizen. that has ever been devised. If
any single scheme could produce the effect of
arresting, at once, that mutation of condition
by which thousands ofour most indigent fel-
low citizens, by their iudustry and enterprise
are raised to the possession of wealth, that is
the one. Iftbere is one measure better cal-
culated than another to produce that state of
things so much deprecated by all true repub-
licans. by which the rich are daily adding
to their hords, and the poor sinking deeper
into penury. it is an exclusive metalic ciir-
rency. Or if there is a process by which
the. character of the country for generosity
and noblcness of feeling may be destroyed
by the great increase and necessary tolera-
tion of usury, it is an exclusive metallic
currency.

Amongst the other duties of a delicate
character which the President is called upon
to perform, is the supervision of the govern-_
ment ofthe Territories of the United States.
Those of them which nredestincd to become
members of our great political fziniily, are
compensated by their rapid progress from
infancy to manhood, for the partial and tem-
porai'y. dcprivtition of their political rights.
It isin this District only, where American
citizens are to be found, who. under a settled
system of policy, are deprived of many im-
porfant political privileges, without any in-
spiring hope as to the future. Their only
consolation, Liiiilcr circumstances of such de-
privation, is that of the devoted exterior
guards of a camp——tliat their stiffcrings se-
cure tranquility and safety within.

Are there any of their countrymen who
would subject them to greater sacrifices, to
any other humiliations than those essentially
necessary to the security of the object for
which they were thus separated from their
fellow citizens .7 Are their rights alone not
to be guarantied by the application of those
great principles upon which all our consti-
tutions are founded .7 \Ve are told by the
greatestof'British orators and statesmcn,tbat
at the commencement ofthe war of the rev-
olution, the most stupid men in England
spoke, of ‘their American subjects.’ Are
there, indeed, citizens of any of our States
who have, dreamed ‘of their subjects’ in the
District of Columbia .7 Such dreams can
never be realized by any agency of mine.
The people of the District of Columbia
are not the subjects of the people of the
States, but free American citizens. Being
in the latter condition when the Constitution
was formed, no words 'used in that instru-
ment could have been intended to deprive
them of that character. If there is any thing
in the great princi'pl'vs ofinalienable rights,
so einphaticatlly insisted on in our Declara-

 

tion of Independence, they could neither '

make, nor the United States accept,_n’ sur-

render. of their liberties,‘ and become the '

“subjects." in other ’words, the slaves, of
iheirformer fellow-citiz-.-ns. If this be true;
and it will scarcely -be denied by any one
who has a correct idea of his own rights as
an American citizen, the grant to Congress

of exclusive jurisdiction in the District of

Columbia, can be interpreted, so far as re-

spects the aggregate people of the United* P

States, as meaning nothing more than to al-
low to Congress thecontrolliiig po\\'ev ne-
cessary to afibrd n free and safe exercise of
the functions assigned to the General ‘Gov-
ernment by the Constitution.‘ In all other
respects the legislation of Congress should
be arlapted to their peculiar positions and
wants, and be conformable with their delib-
erate opinions of their own interests. .

1 have spoken of the necessity of keeping
the respective departments o_f the govern-
ment, as well as all the other authorities of
our country, within their appropriate orbits.
This is a matter of difficulty in some cases,
as the powers which they respectively claim
are often not defined by very distinct lines.
Mi.-cliievous, however, in their tendencies,
as collisions of this kind may be, those which
arise between the respective. commiinitieé,
which for certain purposes compose one na-
tion, are much more so; for no such nation
can long exist without the careful culture of
those let-lin_;s of confidence and afitction.
wliich are the effective bonds of union be-
tween free and confederate-d states. Strong
as is the. tie of interest, it has been often
found int ffectual. Men, blinded by their
passions, have been known to adopt nuns-
urcs for their country in direct opposition to
all the suggestions of policy. The alterna-
tive. then, is. to distroy or keep down a bad
passion by creating and fostering ti good
one; and this seems to be-the corner stone
upon which our American political archi-
tects have reared the fabric of our govern-
ment. The ccment which was to bind-it’,
and perpetuate its existence, was the affec-
tionute attachment between all its members.
To insure the continuance of this feeling,
produced at first by a community ofdangers
of sufferings, and of interests, the advantages
of each were made accessible to all.

No,’ participation in any good, possessed
by any member ofan extensive confederacy,
except in domestic govt.-riiiiient, was withheld
from the citizen of any other meniber. By
a pi‘OCt’SS attended with no difficulty, no de-
lay, no expense but that of removal, the citi-
zen of onejmight become the citizen of any
other, and successively of the whole. The
lines, too. seperating powers to be exercised
by the citizens of one State from those of an-

leave no room for misunderstanding. The
citizens of each State unite in their person
all the privileges which that character con-
fcrs. and all that they may claim as citizens
of the U. States-_,but in no case can the
same person. at the same time. act as the
ClllZ"l'l of two sept-rate States, and ‘ht':,IS

tcrfercuce with the rtserved powers of any
State but that of which he is, for the time
being, acitizcii. He may indeed offt~.r.'to
the citizens of other States his advice as to
their inanagenient, and the form in which it
is ti.-ndered is left to his own discretion and
sense of propriety. ' ‘ _

It may be observed, however, thatorga'n-
ized associations of citizens, requiring com-
pliance with their wishes, too much resem-
ble the rcootizmc/zrlctlimzs of .I\thens,to her al-
lics——siippoI'ted by an armed and powerful
flt-ct. it, was’, indeed, to the ambition of the
leading states of Greece to control the do-
mestic concerns of the others, that the de-
struction of that celebrated confederacy. "and
subsequently of all its members, is mainly
to be attributed. And it is owing to the ab-
sence ol that spirit that the Helvetic confed-
era cy has for so many years been preserved.
Never has there been,seen in the ‘institu-
tions ofthe separate members of any con-
federacy more elements of discord. In the

gion,.as we-ll‘as in the circumstances of the
several cantons,‘ so marked a discrepancy
was observable. as to promise any thing but
harmony in their course, or permanency in
their alliance. And yet for ages. neither
has been interrupted. Ccntent with the pos-
ltlt-'eil)t'l'lt‘lIlS which their union produced,
with the independence and safety from for-
eign aggression which it secured, these so-
gacious people respected the institutions of
each other, however repugnant to their own
principles and prejudices. I .
Our Confederacy, fellow-citizens, can on-
ly be preserved _by the some forbearance.
Our citizens must be content with the exer-
cise ofthe powers with which the Constitu-
tion clotbes them. The attempt of those of
one State -to control the domestic institutions
ofzinother, can only result in feelings ofdis-
trust and jealousy, the certain harbingcrs of
disunion, violence, civil war, and the ulti-
mate destruction of our free institutions.
Our Confederacy is perfectly illustrated by
the terms and principles governing a com.
mon co-pai'tnersh‘ip. There a fund of pow-
or is to be exercised under the direction of
the joint councils of the allied members. but
that which has been reserved by the individ-
ual members is intangible by the common
government or the individual members com.
posing it. To attempt it finds no support
in the principles of our Constitution. It
should be our constant and earnest endeavor
mutually to cultivate a spirit ofconcord and
harmony among the various parts of our
Confederacy. Experience has -abundantly"
taught us that the agitation by citizens of
one part ofthe Union ofa subject not confi-
ded to the General Government, but exclu-

sively under the guardianship of the local
authorities, is productive of no other conse-
quences than bitterness, alienation, discord.
and injury to the very cause which is intend-
ed to be advanced.
ests which appertain to our country, that
of union. cordial. confiding. fraternal union.

Of all the great inter-

is by far the mostimportant, since it is the

only true and sure guaranty of all others.

In consequence ofthe embarrassed slate of
business and the currency, some of the States
maymeet with difficulty in their financial con-.

cerns. However deeply we may regret any

thing imprudent or excessive_in- the engage-
ments inlo which States have ‘entered f6r.f’p6r‘.--
poses of their own, it does not -become us to dili-’
paragc the State Governments, nor to discourage

other, seem to be so distinctly drawn as to.

therefore positively precluded from any.in-"

principles and forms of government and reli- -