H‘ ,.__.
tirred on the Federal (jovcrninent so liable to
vbuse as the taxing power. The mtlfil l”'0‘l“"‘
ve and corivenieut sources of t‘cV0nU'.i Were
recessarily given to‘ it. that it might be able to
erform the‘ important duties imposed upon it ;?
nd the taxes, which it lays upon commerce be-
ig concealed from the real payer in the price of
he article. they do not so readily attract the at-
Jention of the people as smaller sums deiiiantletl
from them directly by the tax gatbercr. But
the tax imposed on goods (‘.Hl'lilllCBS by so lllt]t;ll
the price of the coiniiiodity to the coiisuuicr;
ind, as many of those duties are imposed on
articles of necessity, which are daily used by the
great body of the people. the money raisvd by
these imposis is drawn from their pool-:cts.—
Congresslias no right, under the coiisiiiuiioii. to
take moticy from the people, unless its is reqiiired
to execute some one of the specific powers iii-
trusted to the Govt:rnni:int ; and if they raisv
more than is necessary for such purpos.-.5, it is
an abuse of the power of tux:itloti, and unjust
and oppressive. It may. indeed, happen that
"he revenue will somctitnes exceed the amount
fln,icipa,e,t “men the taxes were laid. \lVhcn,
however this is ascertained, it is easy to reduce
1 , . .
them; and, in such a case, it is unquestionably
the duty of the Government to reduce them. f0F
no circumstances can justify it in assuminga
power not aiven to it by the constitution. nor in
5 -
takina away the money of the people, when it
is no? needed for the legitimate wants of the
people. _ _
Plain as these principles appear to be, you
will yet find that there is a constant effort to in-
duce the General Government to gobeyoiitl the
“mp5 of its u1xing'p0\Ver, and to impose un-
necessary burdens upon the people. Many
owerful interests are contiiiually at work to
procure heavy duties on commerce, and to swell
the revenue beyond the real necessities of the
public service ; and the country has already felt
the injurious effects of lllCll‘. combined infiucuce.
They succeeded in obtaining a tariff of duties
;,ear'mo most oppressivelv on the agricultural
and laboring classes of society, and producing a
revenue that could not be usefully employed
within the range of the powers conferred upon
Congress ; and, in order to fasten upon the peo-
ple this unjust and uuetpial system oftaxation.
extravagant schemes of internal improvement
were got up, in variousqiiarters, to szipiander the
money, and to purchase support. Thus one ui‘i-..
constitutional measure was iiiieiidcil to be up-‘
held by another, and the abiise of the power of
taxation was to be inaintaint-d by usurptug the
oower of expending the money in internal im-
‘provements. You cannot have forgoiteti the
woe.-3 and doubtful struggle through \\'lll(‘ll we
,:,as3gd_ when the Executive Department of the
Governinent, by its veto, endeavored to arrest
this proiligal scheme of injustice, and to bring
hack to the legislation of Ctiiig.-ass to tho liouiiil
flies preg(\_ril)(;t1 by the constitution. The gopil
._en3e and practical jtitlgiiiciit of tlie peopic.
when the subject was brought before ll|t‘llI, .~llS“
mined the couisoofthc Executive; and this plan
,1‘ unconstitutional eitpcn-limre for the pIirpost's
-if corrupt influence. l3. I‘ this’. finally OVUI"
thrown. ,
The result of this docisimi lir-i.-' liccn felt In Ill“
rapid extinauishmetit of the publir: tleltt. «'1H<l ill“
. ‘ 0
large accumulation of it surplus in tlic trea-iiry.
notwithstanding the tariff‘ was rctliitre-l. and I-‘
now very far below the nmziuiit originally con-
templalcd by its advocates. lut. rc-l_v upon it
(be design to collect an extra vagant rcveiiiie, and
to harden you with taxes bt-yond the ecoiionii-
cal wants of the Government. is not yet aban-
doned. The various interests which have com-
bined togeilier to impose ii heavy tariff. and to
produce an overflowing treasury, are too strong,
and have too much at stake to surrender the cou-
test. The corporations and wealthy inilividuu|.~;
who are engaged in large manufacturing estab-
lishments. desire a hizli tariff to increase lllCll'
gainS_ Designing P”“,;,.iatis will stipport it, to
conciliate their favor. and to obtain the incans of
rofuse expenditure, for the purpose of i_mrclms-
mg influence in other quarters; and since the
people have decided ihattbc Federal Govern-
ment cannot be permit-ted to employ its income
in internal improvements. i.-If-irts will beniadcto
seduce and mislead the citizens of the several
States by holding out to them the deceitful pros-
pectofbenefits to be derived from a surplus reve-
nue collected hvthe General Government and
annually divided among the States. And if, on-
couraged by these fallacious hopes, the States
should disregard the principles of ccononty which
ought to characterize every republican Govern-
ment. and should indulge in lavish expenditures
exceeding their resources. they Will. before long.
find themselves oppressed with debis_ which they
are unabie to pay, and the temptation will be-
come irresistablc to support a high tariff. in or-
der to obtain a surplus for distribution. Do not
allow yourselves, my fellow citizens, to be nits-
led on this subject. The Ftiflcfill Govcrnincnt
cannot collect a surplus for such purpose“. will!
out violating the principles of the constitution.
and assuming powers which have not been grant-
ed. It is, moreover, a system of iiijiisiice, and
if presistcd in, wi?l inevitably lead to corruption,
and end in ruin. The surplus revenue will be
drawn from the pockets of the people, from the
farmer, the mechanic, and the laboring classes
ofsociely ; but who will receive itwben distribu-
ted among the States, where it is to be disposed
of by the leading State politicians who have
-fiiertds to favor. and political partisans to gratify I
it will certainly not be returned to those who
paid:it,.and who have most need of it, and are
-honestly entitled to it. There is but one safe
rule. and that is, to confine the General Govern-
ment rigidly within the sphere of its appropriate
duties. It-has no power to raise a revenue, or
impose taxes,»except for the purpose enumerated
in the constitution ; antl ifits income is fouudrto
exceed these wants, is should be tiirthwiih re-
duced, and the burdens of the people so far
lightened.
In reviewing the conflicts which liavc taken
place bteween different interests ‘in the United
States, and the policy pursued since adoptiiig
the present form of government, we find tiotli-
ing which has produced such deep seated evil
as the course oflegislatiou in relation to the co r-
ency. The constitution Oftlic Uuiu-.d States
unquestionably intended to secure to ilic peoplc
acirculating medium ofgold aitd silver. But
the establishment ofa National Bank by Cong-
ress, with the privilege of issuing paper money
receivablein the payment of public tllttts. and
‘he unfortunate course oflegislution in the sever-
ll states upon the same subject. drove from tic-
.-ieral circulation the constitutional currency,
and substituted one ofpapcr in its place.
It was not easy for men engaged in the ordi-
narypursuits of buincss. whose attention had
not been particularly drawn to the subject to.
foresee all the cousequenccsiofa currency cxclu-
sively ofpaper; and we ougb_t tint, on turn ac.
count, to be surprised at. the fat:ility with which
' laws were obtained to carry into effect the papr-r
system. Iloncst, and even cnliglitr-iietl men.
ire sometimes misled by the specious and plan-
-ible statements ofthe ilcsigiiirig. But <’-'<P0l'l-
cuce has now proved the iniscliicfs an-l tlangcrs
-ifa paper currency, and it rests with you to de-
termine whether the proper rcnicdysliall be up-
illcd.
The paper system being founded on public
.infidcii(:e, and liaving of itself no intrinsic val-
thereby rendered insecure, and the wages of
'» ir unsteady and uncnrtaiii. 'l‘lic t.-orporations
...icl1 create the 1i.'l[lf‘.'l'(.‘llt'a"-'1:lt‘:.’ t‘.'lllllt)‘. be re-
' cannot yet be forgotten.
‘—_
lied upon to keep the circulating medium imi-
form in anzouni. In times of prospe=rit_y. when
confidence is high, they are tempted, by the
prospect of gain, or by the influence ‘of .those
who hope to profit by it, to extend their issues
orpaper b(—*y.)l1d ilie bounds ofdiscretion and the
reasonable demands of lmSiW’SS- Aml When,
these issues have been pushed on, frotn day to’
day, until public confidence is at lcugtli shaken
then a reaction takes place, and they imnictli—
.-nely \\-‘ithdraw the credits they have given;
suddenly curtail issues; and produce an i.-nux-
pocicd and ruinious contraction of the circulat-
ing medium, which is felt by the whole coni-
munity. The banks, by this means save them-
selves. and the misclnevoiis consequences of
their imprudence or cupidity are visited upon the
public. Nor does the evil stop here. These
ebbs and flows ofthe currency, and these indis-
t'l’t‘t.‘l extensions ofcredit, naturally engender a
spirit of speculation injurious to the habi's and
character ofthe people. We have already seen
its effects in the wild spirit of speculation in the
public lands, and various kinds of stock. which
within the last year or two, seized upon such a
multitude of our citizens, and threatened to per-
vade all classcs of society, and to withdraw their
attention from the sober pursuit of honest indus-
try. It is not by encouraging this spirit that. we
shall best preserve public virtue and promote
the true interests ofourcountry. But if your
currency continues exclusively paper as it now
is, it will foster this eager desire to amass wealth
without labor; it will multiply the number of
dependaiits upon bank accommodations and
bank iavors; the temptation to obtain money
at any sacrifice will become stronger and stron-
er, and inevitably lead to corruption, which will
find its way into your public councils, and des-
troy, at no distant period. the purity of your
Government. Some of the evils which arise
from this system of paper, press with peculiar
hardship upon the class of society less able to
nearit. A portion ofthis currency frequently
becomes depreciated or worthless, and all of ii
is easily connterfeitcd in such a manner as to re-
quire peculiar skill and much experience to dis-
tinguish the counterfeit from the genuine note.
Tlic.-ie frauds are most generally perpetrated in
smaller notes, which are used in the daily trans-
actions of ordinary business; and the losses oc-
casioned by them are commonly thrown upon
the laboring classes of society. whose situation
and pursuits put it out of their power to guard
themselves from these iinpositions, and whose
daily wages are necessary for their subsistence.
ft is the duty of every Government so to regu-
late its currency as to protect this numerous
class, as far as practicable. from the impositions
of avarice and fraud. It is, more especially, the
duty of the United States, where the Govern-
ment is emphatically the Government of the
people, and where this respectable portion of our
citizens are so proudly distinguished from the
lulmring classes of all other nations. by their in-
dependent spirit, their love of liberty, their in-
tolligeiice, and their high tone of moral charac-
tcr. Their industry in peace, is the source of
our wealth; and their bravery in war, has cov-
Cftttl us with glory; and the Government of the
United States will but ill discharge its duties if
it leaves them a prey to such dishonest imposi-
iions. Ye‘. it is evident that their interests can-
not be effectually protected unless silver.and
gold are restored to circulation.
Those views alone. of the paper currency, are
snllicicnt to call for an immediate reform; but
ilicre is another consideration which ‘should still
more strongly press it upon your attention.
Recent events have proved that the paper
money system ofthis country may be used as :1
engine to undermine your free institutions; and
that those who desire to engross all power in the
hands of a few, and to govern by corruption or
liit‘C(,‘. are ' __ re of its power. and prepared to
etnploy it. ' ’our banks now furnish your only
circulaiinr_r meditim, and money is plenty or
scarce. according to the quantity of notes issued
by them. While they have capitals not greatly
ilisproporzioncd to each other, they are competi-
tors in business. and no one ofthem can exercise
doininion over the rest; and although, in the
present state of the currency, these banks may
and do operate injuriously upon the habits of
business, the pecuniary concerns and the moral
tone of society; yet, from their number and dis-
persed situation. they cannot combine for the
purposes of influence; and whatever may be
the dispositions of some ofthem, their power of
rniscliiefnaiist necessarily be confined to a nar-
row spacc, and felt only in their immediate
ncigliborhoods.
But when -the charter for the bank of the Uni-
ted States was obtaiued‘from Congress, it per-
fected the schemes of the paper system, and
gave to its advocates the position they have
-struggled to obtain, from the commcnccnient of
the Federal Government down to the present
hour. The immense capital, and peculiar priv-
iliges bestowed upon it, enabled it to exercise
dcpostic sway over the other banks in every
part of the country. From its superior strength,
it could seriously injure, if not destroy, the bu-
siness of any one of them which niigbt incur its
resentment; and it openly claimed for itsclfthe
power of regulating the currency -tlrrougliout the
United States. In other words,'it asserted (and
it undoubtedly possessed) the powc.r to make
money plenty or scarce, at its pleasure, at any
time. and in any quarter of the union, by con-
trolling tiie issues of other banks, and permit-
ting an expansion, or compelling a general con-
traction ofthe circulating medium, according to
its own will. The other banking institutions
were sensible ofits strength, and they so u gen-
orally become its obedient instrumc ‘ dy,
at all times. to execute its mandate ' "ml
the banks necessarily went, also, it‘
.-
timcf“-”
ous class of persons in our commercial cities,
who depend altogether on banks credits for their
solvency and means of business; and who are,
tlierefore, obliged. for their own safety, to pro-
. o
piiiate the favor ofthe money power, by distin-
_r;i,iished zeal and devotion in its service. The
result of the ill-advisetl legislation which estab-
lished this great monopoly, was to concentrate
the whole moneyed power ofthe tininn, with its
bouiirlless uicans of corruption, aiitl its iitttnerotts
tlepeiideiits, under the direction and r:ottiuiand of
one acknowledged head; thus organizing this
particular interest as one body, and securing to
it unity and concert of action ihrougliout the
United States, and enabling it to bring forwartl,
upon any occasion, its entire and uiidividerl-
strength to support or defeat any measure ofthe
Govcrutnent. In the hands of this formidable
power, thus perfectly organized, was also placed
lttJlllTlllt'tl dominion over the amount of the cir-
culating medium, giving it the powcr to regulate
the value of property and the fruits of labor iit
every quarter ofthe union; and to bestow pros-
perity, or bring ruin. upon any city or section of
the country. as might best comport with its own
interest or policy.
Vvfcarc not left to conjecture how the money-
ed powcr, thus organized, and with such a wca
poo in its ll:‘ll’ltl.‘l, would he likely to use it.——
The dist rose and alarm which pervaded and ag-
itated the it bole couiitr_v, when the Batik ofthe
United States waged war upon the people, in
order to compel him to Sl)l)Yllll‘l.0 its demands.
The -ruthless and tin-
sparing temper with which w-bole cities and
comrmiiiiiios were oppressed, iurlividuals ini-
povciislied and ruined, and a scene of cliecrfiil
pros-petity suddenly cliaiigcd into one of gltltllll
and -lts;ioiii?e:ii~y. iiiiglit to he iudt-.libly inipre.~ss-
ed on the memory ofthe people oftlic Yni red
States. ll‘ such was its powrrr in‘ it time of
peace, what would it not have been in a S(‘2l\‘i'\tl
of war, with an cut-niy at your doors? i\'o tia-
iion but the l'ri.-eim=.ii ofiltc United Stair-.- conlo
have come out Vl(_'lIIf'l|Jll:5 l'i'ou'i such a t-o::test——
_yei,if you had iioir-ontpicrcd, tltc Govcrnincrit
would have piissml out ofthe. hands of_ the ina-
uy to the li-ands of the few ; and this organized
moneyed power, front its secret cont-lave. would
have dictated the choice of Our l1lgl105l Olllcf-'1’-9
and compelled you to make peace or war. as
best suited their own wishes. The fortn ofyour
Govariimeni might, for a time, have remained.
but its living spirit would have departed from
it.
The distress and suffering inflicted on the peo-
ple by the bank, are some of the fruits of that
system of policy wlilch is continually strivingto
enlarge the autlioriiy ofthe federal Government
beyondtlie limits fixed by the cnnstitutiori.—
The powers ennumerated in that instrument
does not confer on Congress the right to estab-
lish such a corporation as the Batik of the Uni-
ted States; and the evil oonscqucnccs which
followed may warn us of the danger of depart-
ing frotn the true rule of coiistruction, and of
permitting temporaiy circuiiistances. oi the-_bopc
ofbettcr promoting the public welfare. l0 1llllU-
ence, in any degree, our tlccision upon the fix-
tent of the General Government. _Let us
abide by the coiistitntion as it is written, or
amend it in the constitutional iuode, if it is found
to be defective.
The severe lessons of crtperiencc will. lCl0“_l3l
not, be sufficient to prevent Ctitigress lit?-m again
chartering such a monopoly, even if the consti-
tutiontlid not present an insuperablc 0bjecti_o_n
to it. Butyou must rcn'ien'ilicr. my fcllow-citt-
zens, that eternal vigilance by the people is the
price of liberty; and that you must pay the price
ifyou wish to secure the blessing. lt bclioves
you, therefore, to be watcliful in your states, as
well as in the federal government. The power
which the monied interest can f3X€l‘Cl.‘5C, when
concentrated antler a single head, and with our
present system ofcurrency, was sutliciently ile-
monstrated in the struggle made by the Batik of
the United States. Defeated in the general go-
veriiment. the same class ofintriguers and pull-
ticians will now resort to the states, and endeav-
or to obtain there the same organization whicli
they failed to perpetuate in the Union; and with
specious and deceitful plans of public advantag-
es, and State interests, and State pride, they
will endeavor to establish, in the different states,
one monied institution with overgrown capital,
and exclusive privileges sufficient to enable it to
control the operations ofthe other banks. Such
an institution will be pregnant with the same
evils produced by the Batik of the UnitedStates,
although its sphere ofaction is more confit1erl:—--
and in the State in which it is chartered, the
money power will be able to accomplish any
object it may wish to attain. _ You have already
had abundant evidence ofits power to inflict in-
jury upon the agricultural, mechanical, and la-
boring classics of society; and over those whose
engagements in trade or speculation render
them dependant on bank facilities, the dominion
ofthe State monopoly will be absolute, and their
obedience uulintilcd. W/itlu such a batik and a
paper currency. the money power would, in a
few years, govern the State and control its mea-
sures; aud ifa sufficient nninber of States can
be induced to create such cstabli-shinents, the
time will soon come when it will again take the
field against the United States, and succeed in
perfecting and perpetuating its organization by a
charter from Congress.
It is one of the serious evils of our present
system of banking, that it enables one -:lt.lSS of
society—and that by no inca_us.a nun‘-ct‘ops_0n.e
——by its control over the currency, to act injuri-
ously upon the interest, of all others, and to ex-
ercise more than itsjust proportion of influence
in political affairs. The agricultural, the me-
chanical. and the laboring classes, have little or
no share in the direction of the great moneyed
corporations; and from their habits and the na-
ture of their pursuits, they are incapable of for-
ming extensive combinations to acttogeuier with
united force. Sucli concert ofactton may some-
times be produced in a single city, or in a small
district of country. by means of personal com-
munications with each other; but they have no
e ular or active correspondence with those who
Engaged in similar pursuits in distantplaces;
they have but little patronage to the press, and
exercise but a small share of influence over it:
they have no crowd of dependants about them,
who hope to grow rich without labor, by their
countenance and favor, and who are, t.l;‘.-refore,
always ready to execute their wishes. The plan-
ter, the farmer. the mechanic, and the laborer,
all know that their success depends upo-‘t tlieit‘
own industry and economy, and that tlicy must
not expect to become suddenly rich by the fruits
of their toil. Yet these classes ofsocieay form
the great body ofthe people ofthe United States;
they are the bone and sinew of the country ;—
men wholove liberty, and desire nothitig but
equal rights and equal laws. and who, moreov-
er, bold the great mass of our national wealth,
although it is distributed in moderate amounts
But, with overwhelming numbers and wealth on
their side, they are in constant danger oflosing
their fair influence in the government, and with
difficulty rnaintaiu theirjust rights against the
incessant efforts daily made to encroat.-b upon
them. The mischief springs from the {power
which the moneyed interest derives from in pa-
per currency, which they are able toconztol ;—
from the multitude of corporations, with exclu-
sive privileges. which they have succeeded in
obtaining in the different states, and ivrricli are
employed altogether for the benefit; ant’. unless
you become more watchful in your state.--., and
check this spirit of monopoly and thirst for ex-
-elusive privileges, you will in the end find that
the most important powers of govcrnimiiit, have
been given or bartcrcd away, and the control
over your dearest interests has passed into the
hands oftlicse corporations. _
The paper iiioiicy system, and its natural as-
sociatcs, tnoiiopoly and exclusive privileges,
have already struck their roots deep in the soil;
and it will require all your efforts to check its
further growth. and to eradicate the evil. The
men who profit by the abuses. and desire to per-
petuate them. will continue to besicge the halls
of legislation in the General Govcrnmentas well
as in the States. and will seek by every artifice,
to mislead and deceive the public servants. It
is to yourselves that you must look for safety,
and the means ofguartliiig and pcrpciuatiiig your
free institutions. In your hand is iigblfuily
placed the sovori-igiiiy ofthe country, a‘n"'i‘ to
you every one plucr,-d in uiitlioriiy is ulziinatcly
rcspoiisible. ft is always in your power to see
that the \\'lSll(\_3 of the people are c.‘-irricd into
fuitliful cxcciitioii, and their will, vi liexii once
made known, niust sooner or lutr-r be .:'»licyi=d....—
And while the people rr:ui.'.iin. as i trust they
ever will, uncorrupted and iucorrtipiible, and
continue watcliful and jealous of their rights,
the Government is safe. and the cause of l‘i~cctl-
om-will continue to triuuipli over all its one-
mies. _
But it will require steady and purscvcring ox-
ertions oti your part to rid yourselves of the ini-
quities and mist-liiclis ofthe paper systciii, and
to check the spirit ofmonopoly and otlici‘ali.tisi-s
is the main support. So iiiiiiiy llllt}‘l't'..s'l.~‘ .'1reiii.i-
among the millions of freemen who prissirss it.- I’
Vi-'lll(‘l'l have sprung tip with it, and of which it “mi-o holders in the State.
ted to resist all reform on this Sllltjt*!,l, that _vi.o 4-ollui‘.
T
must not hope the conflict will be a short one,
-:or Fu"t‘t_':'w‘S easy. My liuinble efforts liave izot
linen spared, during my admiiiistratitm of the
Government, to restore the constitutional curren-
cy, of gold and silver; and something, I trust
has been done to'.var(ls the ztccatnpllshmcnt of
this most desirable object. But enough yet re-
mains to require all your energy and persever-
ance. The power, however, is in your hands._
determine upon it.
Vi-'liile I am thus enileavorlng to press upon
your attention the priiiciplcs which 1 deem of
vital importance in the domestic concerns of the
country. I ouglit not to pass over without notice,
the important coiisiilrirations which should gov-
ern your policy towards foreign powers. _It is
unquestionably our true interest to cultivate the
most friendly understanding with every nation,
and to avoid by every honorable means. the
calamities of war; and we shall best attain this
object by fraukncss and sincerity in our fiircigti
intercourse, by the prompt. and faithful execution
oftrenties. and liyjiistice and impart_iality in our
conduct to all. But no nation, l’l()W'GVel‘(lL‘Sll'Ol!‘
of peace, can hope to escape occasional collisions
with other powers ; and the soiiiidest dii.-tales of
policy require that we sltould place ourselves in
a condition to assert our rights, ifa resort to force
should ever become necessary. Ourlocal situa-
tion. our long line of seacoast indented by nu-
merous bays, with deep rivers opening into the
interior. as well as our extended and still increas-
ing commerce, point to the navy as our natural
uieans of defence. It will in the end he found
to be the cheapest and most effectual ; and now
is the time, in a season of peace, and with an
overflowing revcnue, that we can, year after
year add to its strength, without increasing the
burdens of the people. It is your true policy.
For your navy will not only protect your rich
and flourisliiug commerce in distant seas, but will
enable you to reach and annoy the enemy, and
will give to defence its greatest efficiency, by
meeting danger at a distance from home. It is
impossible, by anyliue of fortifications, to guard
every point from attack against a hostile force
advancing from the ocean and selecting its ob-
ject ; but they are indispeusible to protect cities
from bornbardinent ; dock yards and naval arse-
nals from destruction; to give shelter to uter-
chant vessels in time of war, and to single ships
ti weaker squadrons when pressed by superior
force. Fortifications of this description cannot
be too soon completed and armed, and placed in
aicondition ofthe most perfect preparation. The
abundant means we now possess cannot be ap-
plied in any manner more useful to the country;
and wlieu this is done. and our naval force
sufficiently strengthened, and our militia armed.
we need not fear that any nation will wontonly
insult us, or needlessly provoke hostilities. VVc
shall more certainly preserve peace, when it is
well understood that we are prepared for war.
In preseiitingto you, my fellow citizens, these
parting counsels I have brought before you the
leading principles upon which I endeavored to
and the remedy must and will be applied, if you '
“i)o.\"'r GIVE up TH!-‘. snip.”
..—_ ._ .._.....———— ———.-—-o.-¢
NOERWALH£.
Vi E-ZDNESDAY BIARUH 15.
1837.
FOR covr.it:vort,
WILLIAM ‘V. EL LS VVORTEI.
For Lieul. Governor,
BENJ.-1 DIIN ESAACS.
For Treasurer.
NA THANIEL G OODWWTIN.
For Secretary,
NATHANIEL PERRY.
For Comjiti-oller,
ROGER HUNTINGTON.
FOR STAT E S§<.INA'l'0i-IS.
No. 1. MARTIN KELLOGG.
“ 2. ERASTUS VVOODRUFF.
“ 3. CHARLES T. HILLYER.
“ 4. ROGER S. BALDVVIN.
“ 5. JOHN A. COE.
“ 9. ELISHA WATERMAN.
“ 10. INOCH FOOTE.
“ 12. CHARLES I-IAVVLEY.
“ 1-1». THOMAS BACKUS.
“ 15. JAMES BEBEE.
“ 16. JEHIEL \VILLIAlViS.
" 17. PETER BIERCE.
“ 20. HIRAM RIDER.
“ 21. TIMOTHY DIMOCK.
“ Our hat of, reader, and u bow”—not how-
ever that “prettiest bow,” which was promised
last week—-not a bow of contempt or ridicule for
the opinions, religious or political of any party,
class, or set of men; butin a spirit of liberality
l.i)W:'1l'(lS hottest tlifference of opinion of whatever
name or nature ; a respectaful bow of introduc-
tion to the public in gen.c/‘ul, and to the l’l7fLig.S
in particular. ‘
By one of those mutations which are so coni-
inon in this changing world, the printing cs-
tililishinent, from which a paper bearing the
title of “Clironicle & Democrat” was issued
last week by Mr. J. Laydcn, is now in other
administer the Government in the liigh office
will) which you twice honored me. Knowing
that ilie path of freedom is continually beset by
€l]Cml€S, whoofien assume the disguise offriends.
I l.-ave devoted the last hours of my public life
to warn you of the dangers. The progress of
the United States. under our free anti "happy
institutioiis. has surpassed the most sanguine
hopes of the fountlcrs of the republic. Our
growth has been rapid beyond all former example
in numbers, in wealth. in knowledge, and all the
useful arts \V'lll(.‘ll contribute to the comforts and
C0llVCDiL‘llCCS of man; and from the earliest
ages of liistoryto the present day, there never
Lriavr; been thirteen niiliions of people associated
together in one political body who enjoyed so
much freedom and happiness as the people o
ilieso United States. You have no longer any
cause to fear dutiger from abroad; your strengtli
and power are well knowntlirougliout the civiliz-
ed world, as well as the high and gallant hear-
ing ofyour sons. ft is from within, among your-
selves, from cupidity, from corruption, from dis-
appointed ambi'ion, and inordinate thirst for
power, tliat factions will be formed and liberty
endangered.
ever disguise the actors may assume, that you
l:avc especially to guard yourselves. You have
the highest of human trusts committed to your
care. Providence has showered on this favored
land blessings without number, and has chosen
you as the guardians of freedom to preserve it
for the benefit of the human race. May He,
who holds in his hands the destinies of nations,
make you worthy of the favors he has bestowed,
and enable you, with pure hearts and pure hands,
and sleepless vigilance, to guard and to defend
to the end of time the great charge hehas com-
uziiucd to your keeping.
My own race is nearly run : advanced age
and failing health warn me that before long I
must pass beyond the reach of human events,
and cease to feel the vicissitudes of human af-
fairs. I thank God that my life has been spent
in a land oflibcrty, and that be has given me a
heart to love my country with the affectionof a
son. And filled with gratitude for your constant
and unwavering kindness, I bid you a last and
affectionate farewell.
ANDREVV JACKSON.
UNFAl'l‘lll4‘UL PUBLIC SERVANTS !
ft? INGHAM, HALEY, PHELPS,
VVH ITTLESEY and HOLT, our Repres-
entatives in Congress, rioting AGAINST a_/'u'rI7icr
clisl.ri'.bi1lion of the SI!-‘I:[)ll1.S‘ I1’c'u~2nue, thereby
claim: all in their ]J0'l(.'(."T to prevent C—'onncr:ti'.cut
from rat.-c'i2::'ng hrz'rs/tare of the same, which is over
ONE MILLION (BF DOLLARS!
A bill passed the House by a large majority re-
quiring a further distribution ofthe surplus reve-
nuc notwit.listanding our representatives voted
AGAINST 1'1‘. It was then sent to the Senate,
where i.t was rejected, JOHN”M. NI LES also
voting agaixnst it.’ It again came before the
House, and on tryingtbe question a second time,
the bill was again passed by a majority of TWO
Tiiiitnsl Yet our }i’c1rre.s-critul£i:c.s~u-are r/_i:rz'i;ri,
fauna’. V()’1'lNG- AGAINST i'r! Yc:<—-- HALE-ZY, lira-
‘HAM, PIIELPS, HOLT and VVni'rTLi-:si_-:Y, in
obedience to the orders of Joniv M. Nimas,
without regard to the interests of Connecticut.
and in the face ofa majority of two l/tin/s ofthe
House which was composed in part of their own
party, voted against a further distribution of the
surplus revenue, and thereby endeavored to pre-
vent our State from receiving more than A
‘MILLION OF DOLLARS in order that it
might be used by the l’c'r BANKS, whose direc-
tors declare tliemselvcs“fricmlly lathe Aclmi7zis-
(l‘alf0‘lI(Z7l(f'llSl1EVERED cui1~:r.” Are the honest
-.7acl~;soii mun willing again to vote for Repres-
entatives who stand more in fear of JOHN M.
NILES than they do of their constituents? Are
they willing that the money which belongs to
them and their cliiltlrcn should be used to dis-
count notes upon for the benefit ofthe rich bank
rlirccloi's and sloc/r/tolrlcrs? Vl7ill they belon-
ger deluded by the senseless cry of clemocracy
and for/eralisin when their important interests
lose the substance by chasing the shadows ?—
l"(lff(1(fl‘ll7IL.
about 500—wliich is less than the number of
it is clear enough
that tho people are prepared for throwing offtlie
" l‘lo\v‘.-z the day, and uow‘s the hour."
It is against such designs, what-'
liands. To those who, from the high soiinding
character of his manifesto, felicitatcd l.llCnl'
the Herald of Freedom had taken place, the
change will be matter of regret ; but to the great
body of the community, we flatter ourselves, it
will be otherwise.
Every man who has at heart the interest of
society in general, must desire that a newspaper
circulating in it, whatever its bearing in political
opinion may be—-should tend in its influence to
the support of good morals .'2t.'1ig(){)L.l order—
should leave to every man's conscience the /C‘t"I2(l
and degree "of his religious bclicf--slionld ail-
dress itselfto the reasoning and thinking powers.
and not to the prejudices and passions of men-
giviug them information rather than advice;
and while its articles are tinctured with that de-
gree of spirit which is essential to make them
intcresting—-should avoid all dt-traction, sctirili—
ty and abuse,
the " Chronicle & Democrat"-—-‘out such, we
trust, will be the character of the Norwalk Ga-
zctte.
As the Wanton and malicious destruction
of our roller, has had its designed effect in
this number, and otherwise embarrassing the
operations of the oflicc-—-—our readers will
we trust, this wee-7.‘ excuse all deficiencies in.
matter, and in the appearance of the paper.-
We are much indebted to the ingenuity and
us with a new roller, and thus enabled us to get
out a paper this week. '
As we have had no time to comment upon
the “ Farewell Address,” we refer our readers
to the editorial article ofthe N. H. Palladium,
on our inside form. Some very just remarks
from the same paper, upon the “ Inaugural Ad-
dress” of President Van Buren, published last
week, will be found in the same place.
Our friends in other towns in this counfy. can
be supplied with printed votes for the VVbig
State Tickets, and also for State Senators for
the 10th, 11th, and 12th Districts, on a seasona-
ble application at this office.
A master who was teaching school, in a school
house, recently erected upon the site of an old
one; reproved one of his scholars for not re-
citing bis lesson correctly. The boy replied—by
way of excuse——“ I haven't got the lirzng of this
ere. school house yet.”
We hope our good friends—the honest pub-
lic——will not condemn us before we have had
time to get “ the hang” ofa printing office.
TO OUR OPPONENTS.-—-Notices for
calling meetings, &c. &c., will be inserted as
advertisements on the usual terms. ‘Va dd this
because the paper circulates among a great por-
tion of the wliigs, etc,
The above very liberal, candid, and courte-
ous note, we copy from the Chronicle and De-
mocrat of last week. Two t/zirrls of the support
of IJLG Gazette and Star, it was ad mittcd by Mr;
Taylor, was derived front the Whig party, and
for this and etceteras, the Whigs might insert
their notices, provided they would pay fin them.
iices for calling meetings, &c. &c., for the
Van Buren party, in the same conspicuous
fl?Thc may-mi,y agaius, me w},;g5 in this manner we do our own, without charge. And ;
State at the last Presidential election was only we will do it, not only because our paper circu- violent passions with the power and pf,’H' .
fates among them, but because we think it but
commonjuslice to insert a -call for a meeting for
any public piirposo by wliomsovor called.
selves with the expect,at.ion that a resuscitation of
Such was not the character of
delaying beyond its usual time, the issue of
perseverance of our friends. who have furnished"
VVe notice with pleasure the establishment of
a new Market on the East side of the bridge, by
Mr. Hooker. Every thing there is in fine order ;,
and all we have to regret is that the drovers
make the butchers charge such an unconsciona-
ble price for their meat.
bridge, still furnishes a successful resort for those
who are in search ofa good dinner.
JOHN M. NiLt~:s.—-Extract ofa letter from
the editor of the Northampton (Mass.) Courier,
dated Washington. Feb. 25, 1837 :
“ But the most amusing scene was the _two- -
hour speech of Niles of Connecticut, who votes
against the manufacturing interests ofhis own
Slate. ‘Wright and Preston had ably occupied V
the floor on Friday. The Senate Galleries 5
were crowded and expectation was on tiptoe to
hear .VIr. Clay, when John M. Niles rose. Five.
minutes had not elapsed before every body was
out of the galleries, except some few ‘bags, who
staid by to laugh at Niles. Fourteen Senators
on were in their places. He spoke literally to
empty benches.
pay theleast attention. Vl/right and Rives were '
in close conversation. Judge White had his.
hands on his eyes apparently asleep. Walker
was looking up Mississippi land titles. Pres-
ton and Cutbbert were amusing theniselvesjust
under his nose.
chair. Mr. Clay was writing. Benton was_
looking over a file of old docutnents. Calhoun
was talking busily with King, of Georgia, and
the President of the Senate was exainining~a
regard to Mr. Niles, except old Mr. Robbins,
who seemed to compassionate him and to think‘
he ought to have at least one auditor. It was a
scene-—Nilcs’ abominable pronunciation and his
whole mnniier considered-well worth the at--
teniiou of Madam Trollope. Ifl was a citizen
oftli-at State, the Grand Jury should indict Niles?
I would never consent to be one of his consti--
tnents."
Frecincn of Connecticut ! Are you the con-
stituents of such a inau ? Does not a flush of
honest indignation. suffuse your manly brows,
when you see yourselves thus made a laur
ing stock in the person of this mock Sonata .0
The disgracclies at your own door.
etlithe legislature, who appointed this man to-
disgrace you.
To the polls tlien—to a man, and see to it‘,
that your legislature are cotnposcd of men who
know better; of men who will not dare again
lllUSll0ltl you up to the ridicule and conte-nip,
ofthe whole country. ‘i ,
INAUGURAI. ADDI.’-l’.S&--l.lp0n our first page
may be found the Inaugural Atldressr-of Pre'.'-
L,lt‘l'l Van liurcu. We .. fsappoiuted in’
\Vitb all his trickery and La
. ing he has "b
-'tltip()S(:Ll to possess no small sham oftalmi
skill; but his iripttgural docs him no or
these particulars, unless it be for his '
avoiding it frank avowal of the princ _
upon which the adniinistration will be conducft.
The address consists mostly of common place
observations in reference to the structure of our,,
_«_vov:-rnniciit, and the period of its existence.
with all usions to some ofits trials, and congraltu-‘
lations for its success. ft is entirely non-c0'Tii-
initial, except on the subject of abolitionisiu.—
lie cttutiotisly avoided every other topic, antktlio -
I'rt:enicti must therefore wait for his first annupl
nicssage, lit-fore they can know what course of
—l:iit we are now inclined to think, that so far
:is M r. Van liureti is concerned. they will even
ilicn be as much in the. mist as they are at prey-
put. He says in his inaugural that a pro
minute exposition of his views "on the various
questions of domestic‘ policy would be as obtt*ii'-;
sive as UNF.X1’EC'.l‘ED.”
tie in the way of an exposition jofliis views»was
expectcrl ; but so2nr3f.hing« of théikiiid, however,-
was looked fiir. He refersethe people to te
opinions he expressed before his ‘election; these
he says he shall endeavor to carry out. Who
knows what they are ? It. was in" this way the
little man dodged the New York Loco Focos-_-$
lie referred them to his past acts and pnblisheil
opinions; but, poor fellows, they could D8VCl’J)(l_ll
their finger upon eitlier.-—Pallaclium. ‘
F.-titii:iv15LL Annmass or PRESIDENT JACK-
soN.—-A paper under this title. signed by
Andrew Jackson, has been published_ in the
Globe and other iiew.-‘papers. It is the_ last
scene in t.he great semi-farcical tragedy of the
Eight Years Humbug—an exhibition of we_al;'€-'
ness and vanity on the part of Gen. Jacksibn,
and of iniprudencc ant] recklessness on the part
ofbis advisers, that could hardly have been 'ex-
pected even from the source from whence it
emanated. Gen. Jackson has been flattered so
much that be actually believes he is the "gre
est and best" man that ever lived “in the tit.
time.” He istn bepitied for his weaknessasotb
men have been before him. Alexander was 8
long worshipped as a god. that he at lengtli'he-
gun to believe himself immortal. Biffigthe
world however
him. Was it not enough that the 'peop_l '._
should bear all the injuries and persecii-ll
tions, that have been put upon them- by a
vindictive partizan President, and all the othe
evils of his eight years despotism, without beiii’
insulted in the end with an attempt to associat
with his name, the fame, custom and habits
the revered Washington ?——the father of? his
country—the guardian of its - liberties-—the
moderate. the forbearing, the enlightened, th
devoted and consistent President ofthe nation '1;
It appears not. They must not only see their
laws and Constittitionstrodden underfoot-,ithei,1,'*
offices in innumerable instances given to ‘profil-
izate partlzans--the opinions and votes of their
Representatives “expunged” from the records,
of the nation,—-the prohibition of any examina-.,
tion into the conduct of irresponsible favorites;
who have suddenly become enriched after
free access into the public treasury-the e
penses of government increased fourfold—_Sen
tors called to an account by the executive f
words spoken in debate—-they must. not only-._s
all these things and more-but their best I
most sacred feeling.-3—their veneration for
great and good who have gone totheir rest in
be taunted and outraged without asbow of reason,
justice or decency. GEpRt_}E_ WAsaiNc'rN$
and Aivnnizw JAcKsoiv,—tbese are air .
which the “ monster party" alone could:
ciate together for the reverence‘ of the pea‘
but thanks to the unbought freemen, the con
tion will live no longer than the party that fo ,
it. The memory of the one will be cherise
through all coming time as the benefactor of,lJi
are sported with by demagogues ? Will they Now in reply we say, that we will insert all no- country and friend of n1ankind,—whilethe or 1'
ifhe is not forgotten by the party that gave gt
his office and consequence. will be held at’?
illustration of the infatuation of the peop..‘.' it-
he extreme danger of again trusting a .‘.".7l!l a‘:
0f ‘he C0|1Dll'y. having no other qllalillcmi-'
than mere military success. Aside f.""i'l" .3
other considerations which required the fr’ 6‘
of Gen. Jackson to abstain I.’ I." illU!'Sl‘-'.._;“__' ‘:12.
f
Mr. Mitchell too, one the “fest side of the-~~ .
Mr. Vl7ebster who is suffering .-
from the influenza, was setting listlcssly in his‘ -
bundle of paper. , Not a Senator paid the‘-least ,
as a nuisance or I would abjure Connecticut.-— .
It is true that very lit-'
despise his arrogance less.
than the sycopliancy of those who dec ived '
, ..,..
Even his own ‘party did not -
You elect: ‘
.;_-,'
policy will be ptirsiied by the admitiistrtitjtiii !_}_-'9'
.\
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Norwalk Chronicler