-THE N ORWALK GAZETTE. )3 £4 man, and he could not forbear saying that, in his opinion all the difiieulties and embarressmcnts in which our relations with France were involved, wliithout one solitary exception, were to be attributed to the false movements of our own Government. In saying this, had no design to iinpugnt he motives of any nc. In SENATE, on Thurday, a warm personal debate arose on the coming up of Mr. Beiiton's resolution to appropriate the whole surplus revenue and the dividends receiviable from the U. S. Bank to the purpose of National defence. After which, Mr. Webster rose and said that he was determined not to discuss theatfairs connected with our diflierences with France, until a proper time for such a discussion would arise—until that time should come, at which it would be the duty of the Execu- tive to furnish to Congress the requisite information as to the su'bject.~. The present however, was a proper occasion and. the circumstances that occurred made it neecssaiy for him to refer to the incidents coueected with the loss _of the Fortification bill. He might premise by saying that during the last session, so far from the Senate beingliable to any charge for not having attend- ed to their duties, (Sac. he never knew a session in which more important business had been by them despatclied. Much ofit however, they heard nothing of afterwards. Thev passed the Post Oflice bill-the Custom House regulation bill—tlie bill re- gulating the Public Deposits-and the bill to settle the claims with France, with many others of like important character.- The House of R,.eprescntat_ives did not act on these, contrary to what had been the usual practice, to dispose of such bills as had been acted on in either House. With res ect to the Fortification Bill, be desired to claim the merit 0 having moved to reject the proposition to place at the Executive disposal three millions of money, without speci- fication, without a call to that effect, and without estimates.— He repeated, he desired to claim the merit of that motion, and the twenty eight Senators who thought with him, were not no- willing to record their names on that vote. It stood on the journal and whenever—if ever the expunging process was to begin, he prayed that his name, in its infinite mercy, would be left where he place it, An Honorable Senator (Mr Ewing) had said that even if the public enemy was at their door, he would vote down so unconstitutional, so monstrous a proposition. He concurred with bin, if the public enemy was at the door of the Capitol, he could not be induced to vote for it, then, or now, be- cause in the volume in his bad (the Articles of the Constitution) there were principles in the maintenance of which, the people had an interest, to which the destruction of ten capitols had not the comparitive weight ofa feather. Mr. VV. having adverted to the facts connected with the Cmmittee of conference, he main- tained that the ublie records would show that every thing had been done by the Senate to assure the passage of the bill, with- out the obnoxious amendment—and to assure the public defence, beyond the possiblity of rational denial. After whi;:h, he said, there were other incidents, which it was now fit, instead of vague rumor, should be made known to the American people, and which would enable them possibly to account for the treat- ment which the bill received in the other House. They had been in Executive session on the last night, having under deliberation certain nominations for the Supreme Court. The seal ofsecrecy having been taken off, what he stated was now in the journal. The nomination of a distinguished per- sonage was, by a majority of the Senate, indefinitely postpon- ed ; in other words, rejected. The secretary of the Senate, in the usual foim, carried a copy of this vote to the President, then in his chamberin the Capitol; he announced to him its contents, and the President replied that he could receive no communica- tion from him at that hour ; that it was after twelve o'clock; and he forthwith left the capitol. The secretary came back, made no report on the subject—perhaps it was not his duty to have done so-—but entered on the back of the document. the reply made to him by the President. \Vhat he meantto state with respect to this was, that if the President could not receive any communication on this ground, from the Senate. Dellller could he receive any bills from the House, and he also meant to say—that when the President left his room, the fact of his hav- ing so left it, was soon known in the House of Represeiitatives, although there was not on their journal any such reason given, that the fortification bill, or others, were not passed, because the President would not sign them. The blame of losing this particular bill, then, if any, even if they adopted the three mil- lions, would not have rested with the Senate, E...» £11. a Mr. \V. commented on the novelty of this objectoon, as at variance with former usage, and remarked, that if it was valid, which he contended against, then the Cumberland road bill had been improperly signed by the President on that same night after 12 o’elock. Mr. \V. in conclusion, as matter for their highest considera- tion, referred to and quoted the language oftlie Presidcnt’s Mes- sage viz: " Much less and inconvenience have been experienced in con- sequence of the failure of the bill containing the ordinary ap- propriations for fortifications, which passed one branch of the National Legislature at the last session, but was lost in the other." Thisfailtire was the more regretted, not only because it neces- sarily interrupted and delayed the progress of‘ a system of national. defence, projected iiriinediately after the last’war, and since steadily persued, but also because it coniaiiied a contingent ap-. propriation, inserted in accordance with the veiws of the Exccii- tive, in aid ofthis important object, and other branches of the national defence, some portions of which Inight have been most usefully applied during the past season.” ‘ Mr- \V- said, the first paragraph was not consistent with the fact, and must have been inserted from mistake: it should be known, that the bill could only be lost in that lionsc where in it was left. The rest ofthe paragrapli was matter ofgraver deli- beration : for the President there says the proposition of contin- gent appropriation--.-the three million appropriation---was in accordance with the views of the Executive! Have we or have we not, he inquired, a written constitution '! Have we a constitution which prescribes the performance of certain duties to the Executive? Is there, or isthere not, amongthe first arti-. cles ofthat constitution, an obligation imposed on him to give to Congress information of the state of the Union, anti recommend to their consideration suchmeasures as he shall judge necessary and expedient’! \Vas then the porpositiou for three million of .mouey judg- ed by the President r.ecessary and expedient as the message informs us 1’ Ifso, why was it not communicated to Congress 3 Are we to siipposethat the proposition was induced by considera- tions, other than the public good ? If the Constitution .is not to be deemed a mere piece of waste paper, what is this emis- sion to communicate to Congress, to be deemed by us? \Vhere is the Executive recommcdation for a proposition, that as, this message now says, was in accordance with his views as expe- dient? No where, This isno small matter. The President was in hearing of‘ their voice--a room or two from their Chamber, he did not deign totake the responsibility of recomending this measure; never- theless, so circuinstanced, admitting that it was expedient and necessary to be applied for the public service, although uncalled for by him, in the tnaiiner prescribed by the Coi_istitution---tin-_ asked, the extraordinary spectacle is presented ofa_ proposition unlimited in its objects, without any specification, coming by means they know not. from the peoples House of Representa- tives to pour forth millions imotlie lap of the Executive. Look- ing to the consequences of all this, what man could believe, that if‘ the contingent powerofgrantiiig repri.salstliat.was asked for, and this contingent power to dispose of money at cii.~::ci'c:ioii—-—iinask- ed for, had been granted, we should not now be iiivol-vet‘; in war. Every man would admit, that at least there was the ltioiigest probability of it. Hejiistifit:(l the Senate, iliroiiglzout, admit.- ting thaton most important measures, it was to he regretted the President and that body differedin opinion. There could be no charge of chicanery, no charge ofa design to ernbarass the piili-.. lic service, notwithstanding that difference of opinion brought againstthem. How long they could stand tip in support of the great principles on which they acted; on ~wliich they adopted these measures, how long they could resist a poptilarity orig- inally well founded, on the military services of the individ—, val he could not prophecy, Olietliing only he knew, wheth- er it was from instinct or perception, he had a perception, a, keen perception, that unless there was alirm atlsesioiitothose principles, in doors and out doors adhesion to them, one and all, upon which the Senate had thus far sustainedtheir meas- ures in opposition to the measures of the Government. unless they adhered to those principles, iinseduced by the smiles. un_-_ terrified by the frowns of Executive power, there were those now living who might record the last days of the Constitution under which they were all born. ‘ After afew remarks from Mr Cutliburt, which wereinaudi-. ble, a motion to adjourn over until Monday next, prevailed‘.;
Norwalk Chronicler