Norwalk Gazette, Tuesday, February 26, 1833 · page 2

‘itself was nothing .in comparison with

i brought to ruin a great number of per-

, and destruction on the whole People of

' country.

. their inevitable ruin.

. the policy of the Government is vacilla-

 .
-l3IR.CL..lY’t-5 SPEECH, l
For the atvjuqtiiievet aft/1-C Tar-If"; .
I yesterday, sir, gave notice that I
should ask leave to introduce abill to
modify tlievarious acts imposing duties
on imports. I, at the same time, added
that I should, with the permission of the
Seuatc,._offer an explanation ofthe prin-
eiples on which that bill is founded. I
owe, sir, an apology to the Senate for
this course of action, because, although
strictly parliamentary, it is nevertheless,
out of the usual practice of this body ;
but it is a course which I trust that the
Senate will deem to be justified by the
interesting nature of the subject. I rise,
all-,‘on this occasion, actuated by no
motives ofa private nature, by no
personal feelings, and for no personal,
objects ; but exclusively in obedience
to asense of duty which I owe to my
country. I trust, therefore, that no one
will anticipate on my part any ambitious
display of such humble powers as I may
possess. It is sincerely my purpose to
present a plain, unadorned, and naked
statement of facts connected with the
measure which I shall have the honor
to propose, and with the condition ofthe
country. When I survey, sir, the
whole face of our country, I behold all
around me evidences -of the most grati-
fying p-r-osperizty. a prospect which would
‘seem to be without a cloud upon it, were
it not through all parts of the country
there exist great disseutions and unhap-
py distinctions, which if they can possi-
bly bc relieved and reconciled by any
scheme of legislation adapted to all in-
terests, and regarding the feelings of all
sections, ought to be quieted ; and lead-
ing to which object any measure” ought
to be well rcceivcd.
In presenting the modification of the
Tariff laws which I am now about to
submit, I have two great objects in view.
My firstobjcct looks to the 'I‘arifi'. I am
compelled to express the opinions form-
ed after the‘ most "deliberate reflection,
and on a full survey of the whole
country, that, whether rightfully or
wrongfully, the Tariifstands in imminent
danger. Ifit should even be preserved
ditringthis session,it must fall at the riext
-scs.-‘ion. By what circumstances, and
.4.hrough what causes, has arisen _the ne-
cessity for this change in the _policy of
.-our country, I will notpretend now to
elucidate. Others there are who may
differ from the impressions which my
mind has received upon this point. Ow-
lug, however, to a variety of concurrent
causes, the Tarifl’, as it now exists is in
iminent danger, and if the system can be
preserved beyond the next "session, it
mustbe by some means not now Within
the reach of human Sagacity. The fall
ofthat policy, sir, would be preductive of
consequences calamitous indeed. 'When
I look to the variety of interests which
are involved, to the number ofindividu-
-als interested,thc amount ofcapital inves-
ated,the value ofthe buildings erccted,and
.the whole arrangement of the business
"for the prosecution of the various bran-
chesofthe manufacturing art which have
sprung up under the fostering care of
this Government, I cannot contemplate
any evil.-equal to the sudden overthrow
ofthose-interests. .Historycau produce
noparallelto the extent of the mischief
which, would ‘be produced by such a dis-
aster. The repeal of the Edict of Nantes
it. That condemned .to exile and
sons. The most respectable portion of
the population of France were condem-
nod to exile and ruin by that measure.-

lIll1’lC3.I}!1,Ii»3I £¢¥e,uttc {tau-daittl for whicla
our oppon-‘cuts have so long contended.
The basis on which I wish to found this
modification, is one of time ; and the
several parts of this bill to which I
am about to call the attention ofthe Sen-
ate, are founded on this basis. I pro-
pose to give protection, for a length of
time, which, compared with the length
ofhuman life, is very long, but which is
short, in proportion lo the legitiniate dis-
crction ofevery wise and parental system
of Government - securing .he stability of
legislation, and nllowingtimc for a grad-
uulyreduction, on one side ; and on the
other proposing to reduce the rate of
duties to that revenue standard for which
the opponents of the system have so
long contended. I will now proceed to
lay the provisions of this bill before the
Senate, with a view to draw their atten-
tion to the true character of the bill.
a is a 9 e a

Mr. Clay said, he would now take a
view of some ofthe objections which
would be made to the bill. It might be
said that the act was prospective, that it
bound our successors, and that we had
no power thus to bind them. It was
true that the act was prospective, and so
was almost every act which we ever pas-
sed, but we could repeal it the next day.
It was the established usage to give all
acts a prospective operation. In every ta-
riiflaw, there were some provisions which
go into operation iinmediately, and o:h-
ers, at .1 future time. Each Congress
legislated according to their own views
ofpropriety; their acts did not bind their
successors, but created a species of pub-
lic faith which would not rashly be brok-
en. But if this bill should go into ope-
ration,as he hoped even against hope,that
itinight, he had nota ‘(loubtthat it would
be adhered to by all parties. Thcreiwas
but one contingency which would render
a change necessary, and that was the
intervention of a war, which was provi-
ded for in the bill. The hands of Con-
gress were left untied in this event, and
they would be at liberty to resort to any
uicde of taxation which they might pro-
pose. But, if we suppose peace to con-
tinue, there would be no motive for dis-
turbing the arrangement, but on the con-
trary, every motive to carry it into effect.
In the next place, it will be objected to
the bill, by the friends of protective poli-
cy, of whom he held himself to, be one
for his mind was immutably fixed in fa-i
vor of that policy, that it abandoned the
power of protection. But, he contended
in the first place, that a suspension of
the exercise of the power was not an a-
bandonment of it; for the power was in
the Constitution accordingto our theory
—was put there by its framers, and
could only be dislodged by the people.
After the year, 1842, the bill provided
that the power should be exercised in a
certain mode. There were four modes
by which the industry of the country
could be protected :

First, the absolute prohibition of rival
foreign articles. That was totally un-
attcmpted by the bill ; but it was compe-
tent to the wisdom of the Government
to exert the power whenever they wisli-
ed. Second, the importation of duties
in such a manner as to have no reference
to any object but revenue. \Vhen we
had a large public debt in 1816, the du-
ties yielded 37 millions and paid so
much more of the debt,and subsequent-
ly they yelded but eight or tcnmillions,
and paid so much less of the debt. Some-
times we had to trench on the sinking
fund. Now we had no public debt to
absorb the surplus revenue, and no mo-
tivc for continuingthe duties. No man
can look at the condition of the country

But in my opinion, sir, the ‘sudden re-
peal of the tariff policy would ;hring ruin

this country. There is no evil,’in my_
opinion equal to,the consequences which
would .result from such a catastrophe.
What, sir, are the complaints which
unhappily divide the people ofthis great
On the one hand, it is said by
those who are opposed to the Tarilf,
that it unjustly taxes a portion of the
people and paralyzes theiriudustry; that-
it is to he a perpetual opperation ; that
there is tobe no end"to the system ;
which, right or -wrong is to be urged to
And what is the
just complaint, on the other hand, of
those who support the Tariff ‘I It is that

ting and uncertain, and that there is no
stability in our legislation- Before one
set of books are fairly opened, it becomes
necessary to close them, and to open a
new set. Before a law can be tested by
experiment, another is passed. Before
the present law has gone into operation,
before it is yet nine months old, passed
as it was under circumstances of extra-
ordinary deliberation, the fruit of nine
months labor, before we know anything
of its experimental effects, and before it
commences its operations, we are requir-
ed to repeal it. On one side we are ur-
ged to repeal a system which is fraught
with ruin ; on the other side, the check
new imposed on enterprize, and the
state of alarm in which the public mind
has been thrown, readers all prudent men
desirous, looking ahead :1 little way, to
adopt a state of things, on the stability
of which they may have reason to count.
Such is the state of feeling on the one
side and on the other. I am anxious to
find out some principle of mutual accom-
modation, to satisfy, as far as practicable,
bpth parties-—-to increase the stability of
our legislation ; and at some distant day
-—but not too distant, when we take into
View the magnitude of the interests which

and say that we can carry on this system,
with accumulating revenue, and noprac-
ticable way of expending it. The third
mode was attempted last session, in a
Resolution. which he had the honor to
submit last year, and which in fact ul-
timately formed the basis of the act
which finally passed both Houses. This
was to raise as much revenue as was
wanted for the use of the Government
and no more, but to raise it from the
protected and not from the unprotected
articles. He would say that he regret-
ted most deeply that the greater part of
the country would not suffer this princi-
plc to prevail. It ought to prevail-—and the
day, in his opinion, would come when
it would be adopted as the permanent
policy of the country. Shallwe legis-
late for our own wants or that of a For-
eign country? To protect our own in-
tercsts in opposition to Foreign legisla-
tion was the basis of this system. The
fourth mode in which protection could be
afforded to domestic industry was to ad-
mit free of duty every article which aid-
ed the operations of the manufacturers.
These were the four modes for protec-
ting our industry: and to those who say
that the bill abandons the power of pro-
tection, he would reply that it did not
touch that power; and that the fourth
mode, so far from being abandoned, is
extended and upheld by the bill. The
most that can be objected tothe bill by
those with whom he had co-operated to
support the protective system, was that,
in consideration of nine and a lialfyenrs
of peace, certainty, and stability, the
manufacturers relinquished some advant-
ages which they now enjoyed. What
‘was the principle which had always been
contended for in this and in the other
House? That, after the accumulation of
capital &. skill, the manufacturers would
stand alone, unaided by the Government,
in competition with the imported articles

every branch, will sustain themselves-
against foreign couipetiton. If we can
see our way clearly for nine years to come
we can safely leuvejtoposterityto provide
for the rest. If the Tarilfbe overthrown,’
as may be its fate next session, the coun

try will be plunged into extreme distress
and agitation. —I, said Mr. CLAY, want
harmony. I wish to see the restoration
of those tics which have carried us tri-
umphuntly through two wars. I delight
not in this perpetual turmoil. Let us
have peace, and become once more uni-
ted as a band of brothers. ’

It may be said that the farming inter-
est canuot subsist under a twenty per ct
ad valorem duty. His reply was “sulfi-
cieut for the day is the evil thereof.”
He would leave it to the day when the
reduction took efi'ect, to settle the ques-
tion. ‘When the reductznn takes place,
and the farmer cannot live under it, what
will he do? I will tell you, said Mr.
CLAY, what he ought to do. He ought
to try it—make a fair experment of it
—and if he cannot live under it, let him
come here and say that he is bankrupt,
and ruined. If then nothing can be
done to relieve him Sir I will not pro-
nounce the words, for I believe that some
thing will be done, and that relief will be
afforded without hazarding the peace and
integrity ofthe Union. This Confedera-
cy is an excellent contrivance, but it must
he managed with delicacy and skill.
There were an infinite variety of preju-
dices and local interests to be regarded;
but they should all be made to yield to
the Union. -

lfthe system proposed cannot be con-
tinued, let us try some intermediate sys-
tem, before we think ofany other dread-
ful alternative. Sir, it will be said, on
the other hand—-for the objections are
made by the friends of protection princi~
pally---that the time is too long; that
the intermediate reductions are too in-
considereable, and that there is no guar-
anty that, at the end of the time stipula-
ted, the rcduction proposed would be al-
lowed to take effect. In the first place
should be recollected the diversified in-
terests of the country--—thc measures of
the government which preceded the es-
tablishment or manufactures" the pub-
lic faith in some degree pledged for their
security; and the ruin in which rash
and hasty legislation would involve them.
He would not dispute about terms. It
would not, in the court of justice, be
maintained that the public faith was
pledged for the protection ofmanufactur-
crs ; but there were other pledges
which men oflionor are boundby, be-
sides those of which the law can take

cognizance.
8 0

It remained forihim now to touch
another topic. Objections had been
made to all legislation at this session of
Congress, resulting from the attitude of
one of the States of this Confederacy.
He confessed that he felt a very strong
repugnance to any legislation at all in
this subject at the commencement of the
session, principally because he miscon-
ceived the purposes, as he had found
from subsequent explanation, which
that State had in view. Under the in-
fluence of more accurate information, he
must say that the aspect of things since
the commencement of the session, had,
in his opinion,.greatly changed. When
he came to take his seat on that floor,
he had supposed that a member of this
Union had taken an attitudeof defiance
and hostility against the authority ofthe
General Government. He had imagin-
ed that she had arrogantly required that
we should abandon at once a system
which had long been the settled policy
of this country. Supposing that she
had manifested this feeling, and taken
up this position, he (Mr. C.) had, in con?"-‘
sequence, felt a disposition to hurl defi-
ance back again, and to impress upon
her the necessity of the performance of
her duties as a member of this Union.
But since his arrival here, he found that
South Carolina did not contemplate
force, for it was denied and denounced
by that State. She disclaimed it—and
asserted that she is merely making an
experiment. That experiment is this:
By a course of State li;-gislation, and by
a change in her fundamental laws, she
is eudeavoring by her civil tribunals to
prevent the General Government from
carrying the laws of the United States
into operation, within her limits. That
she has professed to be her object. Her
appeal was not to arms, but to another.
power; not to the sword, but to the law.
He must say, and he would say it with
no intention of disparaging that State,
or any other of the States—it was a
feeling unworthy of her. As the pur-
pose of South Carolina was not that of
force, this at once disarmcd, divested le-
gislation of one principal objection,
which it appeared to him existed against
it at the commencement of this session.
I-Ier purposes are all of a civil nature.
She thinks she can oust the United States
from her limits ; and unquestionably she
had taken good care to prepare her
judges before hand, and by swearing
them to decide in her favor. If we sub-
mitted to her, we should thus stand but
a poor chance of obtainingjustice. She
disclaimed any intention of resorting to
force, unlesswe should find it indispen-
sable to execute the laws of the-Union
by applying force to her. It seemed to
him the aspect of the attitude of South
Carolina had changed—or rather, the
new light which he had obtained, ‘enabled

from any quarter. Now give us time;

are involved--to bring down the rate of

him to see her in a dilfurent attitul_'36-.-rand

cease all fluctuations and agitations, forlhe had not truly understood her until she

nine years, and the m.a.aufactui'ers,iiil had passed her laws, by which it was in-

tended to carry her Ordinance into
effect. Now, he ventured to predict
that the State to which he had referred
must ultimately fail in her attempt. He
disclaimed any intention of saying any
thing [to the disparagement of that State.
Far from it. He thought she had been
rash, in_teniperate, and greatly in error:
and to use the language of one of her
own writers——madc up an issue unwor-
thy of her. He thought the verdict and
judgment must go‘ against her. From
one end to the o;her of this Continent,
by acclamation as it were, nullification
had been put down,’and put down in a
manner more edicctually than by a thou-
sand wars or a thousand armies-by the
irresistible force, by the mighty influence
of public opinion. Not a voice beyond
the single state of S. Carolina had been
heard in favor of the principle of nulli-
fication, which she has asserted by her
own Ordinance ; and he would say, that
-she must fail in her law suit. He would
express two opinions; the first of which
was, that it is not possible for the inge-
nuity of man to devise asystem of State
legislation to defeat the execution of the
laws of the United States, which could
not be countervailed by ’federal legisla-
tion. -

A State might take it upon herself to
throw obstructions in the way of the ex-
ecution of the laws of the Federal Go-
vernment; but Federal legislation can
follow at her heel quickly, and success-
fully counteract the course of State le-
gislation. The framers of the Constitu-
tion foresaw this, and the Constitution
has guarded against it. VVhat has it
said I It is declaredin the clause enu-
merating the powers of this Government,
that Congress shall have all power to
carry into effect all the powers granted
by the Constitution, in any branch of the
government, under the sweeping clause~—
for they have not specified contingencies,
because they could not see what was to
happen——but whatever powers were no
cessary, all, all are given to this Govern-
ment, by the fundamental law, necessa-
ry to carry into effect those powers
which are vested by that Constitution in
the Federal Government. This is one
reason. The other is, that it is not‘pos-
siblc for any State, provided this Govern-
ment is administered with prudence and
propriety, so as to shape its laws as to
throw upon the General Govcrnmentithe
responsibility of first resorting to the cm-
ploynient of force; but if force at all is
employed, it must be by State legisla-
tion, and not Federal legislation; and
the responsibility of employing that force
must rest with, and attach to, the State
itself. ‘

The memorable first of February is
past. I confess I felt an unconquerable
repugnance to legislation until that day
should have passed, because of the con-
sequences that were to emu:-.. I hoped
that the day would go mor v-'<-ll. I feel,
and I think that we nine: all r.onfe:-:s, we
breathe a freer air than when the restraint
was upon us. But this is not the only
consideration. South Carolina has prac-
tically postponed her Ordinance, instead
of letting it go into effect, till the fourth
of March. Nobody who has noticed the
course of events, can doubt that she will
postpone it by still further legislation, if
Congress should rise without any settle-
ment of this question. I was going to
say, my life on it, she will postpone it to
a period subsequent to toe fourth of
Marc-li. It is in the natural course of
events. South Carolina must perceive
the embarrassments of "her situation.
She must be desirous—it is unnatural to
suppose, that she is not to remain in the
Union. VVhatl a State whose heroes
in its gallant ancestry fought so many
glories battles along with those of the
other States of the Union——a State with
which this confederacy is linked by bonds
of such a powerful character! I have
sometimes fancied what would be her
condition if she goes out of this Union.
If her 500,000 people should at once be
thrown upon their own resources. She
is out of the Union. What is the con-
sequence? She is an independent
power. \Vliat then does she do? She
must have armies and fleets, and an ex-
pensive Governmi-nt-——have foreign mis-
sions--slie must raise taxes--—euact this
very tariff which had driven her out of
the Union, in order to enable her to ragse
money and to sustain the attitude of an
independent power. If she. should have
no. force, no navy to protect her, she
would be exposed to piratical incursions.
Their neighbor, St. Domingo, might
pour down a horde of pirates on her bor-
ders, and desolate her plantations. She
must have her embassies, therefore must
she have a revenue. And, let me tell
you, there is another consequence---an
inevitable one, she has a certain descrip-
tion of persons recognized as property
South of the Potomac, and \’Vest of the
Mississippi, which would be no longer
recognized as such, except witliiu their
own limits. This species of property
would sink immediately to one half of
its present value, for it is Louisiana and
the South-western States which are her
great inarket. -

But I will not dwell on this topic any
-longer. I say it is utterly impossible that
South Carolina ever desired, for a mo-
ment, to become a separate and inde-
pendent State. If the existence of the
Ordinance, while an act of Congress is
pending, is to be considered as a motive
for not passing that law, why this would
be found to be a sulficient reason for pre-
venting the passing of any laws. South

Ordimnce even before Is, as she has it‘

in her power to postpone it from time to
time, would defeat our legislation forever.
I wouldirepeat that, under all the circum-
stances of the case, the condition of
South Carolina is only one of the ele-
ments of a combination, the whole of
which together, constitutes a motive of
action which renders it expedient to re-
sort, during the present session of Con-
gress, to some measure in order to quiet
and tranquilize the country.

If there be any who want civil war---
who want to see the blood of any portian
of our countrymen spilt, I anrnot one of
them---I wish to see war of no kind;
but, above all, do I not desire to see a
civil war. ‘Vb:-n war begins, whether
civil or foreign, no human foresight is
competent to foresee when or how, or
wliere it is to terminate. But when a
civil war is to be lighted up in the bosom
of our own happy land, and armies are
marching, and commanders are winning
their victories, and fleets are in motion
on our coast---tell me, if you can, tell
meif any human being can tell its du-
ration? God alone knows where such :1
war will end. In what state will be left

‘our institutions? In what state our li-

berties? ‘ I want no war; above all, no
war at home.

Sir, I repeat, that I think South Caro-
lina has been rash, intcmperate, and
greatly in the wrong; but I do not want
to disgrace her, nor any other member of
this Union. Nor I do not desire to see
the lustre of one single star dimmed of
that glorious Confederacy which consti-
tutes our political sun; still less do I
wish to see it blotted out, and its light
obliterated forever. Has not the State‘
of South Carolina been one of the 1nem—
bers of this Union in “ days that tried
men's souls I” Have we not, conjointly,
won together many a glorious battle?
If we had to go into a civil war with
such a State, how would it terminate?
When it should have terminated, what
would be her condition’! If she should
ever return to the Union, what would be
the condition of her feelings and affec-
tions—-what the state of the heart of her
people’! She has been with us before,
when her ancestors mingled in the
throng of battle, and as I hope our pos-
terity will mingle with hers for ages and
centuries to co:- e, in the united defence
of liberty, and for the honor and glcry
of the Union. I do not wish to see her
degraded or defaced as a member of the
Confederacy.

In conclusion, allow me to entreat and
implore each individual member of this
body, to bring into the consideration of
this measure, which I have had the honor
of proposing, the same love of country
which, if I know myself, has actuated
me; and the same desire for restoring
harmony to the Union,which has prompt-
ed this efibrt. If we can forget for a
moment—but that would be asking too
much of human nature——-if we could
suffer, for one moment, party feeling and
party causes— and, as I stand hererbe-
fore my God, I declare I have looked be-
yond those considerations, and regarded
only the vast interests" of this united
pcople—-I should hope that, under such
feelings, and with such dispositions, we
may advantageously proceed to the con
sideration of this bill, and heal, before
they are yet bleeding, the wounds of our
distracted country.

_ A bill to ihflodify the act ofthe 14111 Ju-
ly, 1832, and all other acts imposing du-
ties on imports.

1. Be it enacted, &.c. That. from and after
the 30th day ofseptember, 1833. in all cases
where duties are imposed on foreign import
by the act ofthe lllh day ofJuly, 1839, en-
titled ‘-An act to alter and amend the several
acts imposing duties on imports,” or by any
other act, shall exceed 20 per cent, on the
value thereof, one tenth part of such excess
shall be deducted ; from and after the 80th
day ofseptember, I835, another tenth part
shall be deducted; from and after the 30th
zlay of September, 1837. another tenth part
thereof shall be deducted; from and afler the
30th day of September, 1839, another tenth
nurl tlicreofshall be deducted : and from and
after the 30th day of September, 1841, on
hall of the residue of such excess shall be
deilucted ; and from and after the 30th day
uf September, 184?, the other half thereof
shall be deducted. i

z 2. And be it further enacted, That so much
ofthe second section of the .act of the 14th
ofJuly aforesaid as fixes the rate of duty on
on all milled and fulled cloth, known by the
name of plains, kerseys or kendal cottons, of
which wool is the only material, the value
wliereofdoes not exceed thirty-five cents a
square yard, at five per cent. ad valorem,
shall be, and lhe same is hereby_ re_nealcd.—-
And the said articles shall be subjected to the
same duty of fifty per cent. as isprovlded by
the said second St‘Cl.lOn for other manufatures
of wool, which duly shall be liable to thesame
lletlllcllull as are prescribed by the first sec-
tion of this act.

3. And be it furtller enacted, that until the
30.h day ofseptembcr. 1849., the duties im-
lOSL'(I by existing laws, as modified by this
ac‘, shall remain and continue to be collec-
led. And from and alter the day last aII)I'(3'-
said, all duties upon imports shall be collected
in ready money, and laid for the purpose of
yaising such revenue as may be necessary to
an economical administration of the govern-
ment ; and for that purpose shall be equal
upon all articles according to their value,
which are not by thisact declared to be en-
titled to entry subsequent. to the said 30th day
ofseptembel‘, 184?, free of duly, And until
otherwise directed by law from and after the
said 30th day of September, 1842, such duties
shall be at the rate of 20 per cont.ad valorem.
And from andafter that day all credits now
allowed by law in the payment of duties,.shall
be, and here by are, abolished : Provided.
That nothing herein contained shall be con-

--1

jCarolina, by keeping the shadow of anl

strued to prevent the passage of any law, in
the event of war with any foreign Power, for
imposing such duties as may be deemed by

Congress necessary to the prosecution of
such war.

4. And be it further enacted, That in -ad.-'
dition to the articles now exempted by the
existing laws from the payment of dul.ics,_tlic
following articles. imporled from and after
the 30th day of September, 1833, and until
the 30th day of September. 1842, shall also
be admitted to entry free from duty to vsit :
Bleached and unbleached linens, manufac-
tures ofsilk, or of wl.ich silk shall be the com-
ponent materialiofchief value, coming from
this Side of the Cape of Good-Hope. and
\V0l‘S|E(I stuffgcods, shawls and other manu-
fuctuies ofsilk and worsted. , .

5. And be it further enacIed,Thalfrom and
after the 30th day of September, 184?, the
following articles be admitted to entry free
from dul_v.t0 Wll: uiummufaclurrd cotIon,indi'-
go. qliiclmlver. Ol.‘-tUm,[Il) ll) plates and sheets.
gum arable. gum smegal, lac dye, maddcr,
madder root. nuts and berries used indyeing,
saffron, tumeric, wood or lasted, aloes, am-
bergris, Burgundy pitch, cochineal, commo-
mile flowers. coriander seed. catsup, chalk,
coculus indicus, horn plates for lantern , or
borns, other horns and tips, India-rubber,
uumanuliicture-.l ivory, jnnlper berrie:.*musk
nuts of.-all kinds, oil of Jumper, manufactured
rullans and reeds, l'.0l‘l0|S£‘ shell, tin foil,"shcl-‘
lac. vegetables used principally in dyeing-
and composing dyes. weld and all articles
employed chi:-fly for dyting, except prussiato;
of pulasli,cron.a|e of potash, aquafortis sud‘
tartaric acids and all other dyeing drugs,,and
materials for composing dyes.

6. And be it funher enacted, That so’
much ofthe act ofthe 14th July, 1832, or of
any other act, as is inconsistent with this act
shall be. and the ‘same is. hereby repealed:—'
Provided, That nothing herein contained‘
shall be so construed as to prevent the pas-'
saga; prior or subsequent to the said 30lhday
of September, 1849, of any act or acts from
time to time, that may be necessary to d=.--
lect, ;.-.event, or punish. evasions ofthe duties
on imnorls. imposed by law.

1‘ - -_'_—';....._-1

SURIDIARY.

DISll‘€S8Ii?g .z.’1cci:.’ent.— On the 15th inst.,
Mr. \Vllliam Russell, Jr. a. highly respectable
and enterprising citizen of New Bedford,
while in his mill, explaining the nature of
some improvement he had been making in his
machinery. the skirt of his coat was caught
in the cogs of the wheels, and he was drawn
in and crushed immediately to dcath—so sud-
den was the accident, that the person with
him, was unaware that anything bad hopper.-
ed, until locking round. he saw‘the lifeless
body mangled in a most shocking manner.

The Prcsidcnt’s Proclamation is published
in the London papers entire. The Times
says:—“ The proclamation of Gen. Jackson,
denouncing as an act of positive rebellion the
disobedience of South Carolina to the Tami‘
law of the United States, is one of the ablest
and most interesting oflicial documents which
we have ever read, as it has been called forth
by one of the most curious and strikingevents
of modeln‘history.”—Jour. q/‘Cam.

cape de Verds.——A_ passenger on boa rd the
brig Susan Elizabeth, which arrived at Bos-
ton, states that the provisions sent from the
United States, for lhe starving population,
had arrived, and would afibrd but temporary
relief, as the great drought with which the
Islands had been visited, had been succeeded
by an equally disastrous flood of rain, so that
th'e crops were entzrely (l_O5[lO) ed. The ls-
landers were in a miserable condition.

\Ve have often heard and laughed at the
jest of lhe Jurymar, who complained of ele-
ven obstinate men with whom he was so un-
luckily associated. South Carolina is even
more Unfortunate than the juror who never
suspebted himself lo be in the wrong. She
complains of twenty-three associates, who
are so perverse and obstinate. that they will
not see as she sees, nor think as shelbiul:s.—
_Tr-avclier.

LO'I‘TERlES.—OUI‘ reapers will be glad to
learn, that a bill reported to lhe House of
Assembly, on Thursday, by Mr. Hertell, fixes
the closing of all Lotteries granted by the
State of New-York, on the 31st of December
next, in pursuance of a stipulation accompa_
aging the bill signed by Yates .S~ .McInt_z/re.-
Jaur. of Com. ‘

Mr. Jonathan Francis, living in Eagle
township, Hocking Co. (Ohio) has a son, that
weighed, early in Dcccmber, at the age of
11 years and 9 monlhs, one hundred and nine.
Ly-seven pounds. Mr. Francis, the father of
the boy, weighs three hundred and forty-five!

A child of Enoch Collin, two miles from
Kenuebeck, Me., found its fa.lher’s rum bot-
lle, and drank so much of its contents, as to
produce death. '1 he child War: but four years
old. and had imbibed a fondness for ardent
spirits from constant paternal example.

The expenses of the New-York City Go-
vernment, are a million of dollars a year.

The N. Y. Journal of Commerce, states
that the number of Daily Newspapers now
published in the United States, is between
sixty and seventy, and remarks, that it is a
greater number than ispublished in the whole
world besides.

Positive instructions, it is said, ba.ve been
given by Mr. Astor, for the construction of
his contemplated splendid Hotel, at the cor’
ner of Broadway and Vesey-street. opposite
the Park. Preparations are making for its

cornmenceinent about May-day.—Jonr. Com..
An attempt has been made in the Kentuc-

ky Legislature to increase the rate of taxa-
tion. It appears that the or.linary revenue
of the State is less by $30,000 than the ordi.
nary expenditures, and that there will be a
deficiency in the Treasury, on the 10th of
October next. of $211,511.

The Spanish Brig that was stopped of?
Charleston, has on board Governor Hamil-
ton’s sugar; no flmerican vessel could be
found to take it on board, on the Nullifier’:
principle.

The militia of Massachusetts, according to
the return dated Dec. 31, 1832. amounted ‘D

‘.5 9796 INRR