Norwalk Gazette, Tuesday, February 12, 1833 · page 2

 

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‘Vs give this week some extracts from
the speech of Mr. Ellsworth, which will
"not be found inferior to those of Messrs.

Huntington and lngersoll. These gen-
tlemen deserve the thanks of the country,
and the gratitude oftheir constituents, for
their prompt and able opposition to the
bill of Mr. Verplanck. It will be rec-
ollcctcd that when the billwas introduced:
the southern excitement ha_d.so far ope-
rated upon Congress, that many, w_ho last
‘summer were the strenuous supporters
of the protective policy, were willing to
pass it, thinking it necessary to the pres-
ervation of the Union. Some prelimin-
ary votes, which were intended to test the
opinions of the members, sliewed a ma-
jority in favor of it ; and the opinion be-

came general that it would pass. So,

confident ti ere the anti-tariffincmbers of
this, that they came to the determination
not to debate it, but to force itthrongh by
sullen, silent votes. _ Butthey have been

‘met, and by the efforts ofthe tariffinein

bers, the Coiinecticut representation ta-
king the lead, time has been gained, rea-
son has resumed her control ovcrfeeling,
the people have had time to speak their

sentiments, and nullification unsubmitted
to, stands confronted with the constitu-

tion to become, not a prcccdent,but a re-
cognised principle or-a name. The
"tariff, too, ifreduced, will be done coolly
and deliberately, in the meridian light of
truth, and not in the twilight of preju-
diceand ignorance.

MR.ELLSVVORTH, of Connecticut,
said that when the Honorable Cliairinan
of the Committee of VVays and Means
had introduced the bill into the House
he had accompanied it with a few rc-
nirirks ofa general character, all of which
were very pertinent and proper. But
since that time the Committee had not
been favored with the views of any one
gentleman from any part of the country
in favor of the b_ill ; and, if a judgement
was to be formed from what had taken
place, thus far, there was reason to ap-
prehend that neither they nor the country
were to be favored with any new light,
orany new facts or considerations on
which the House was pressed to pass so
very extraordinary and wholly uiiexpec-
ted a measure.

He regretted this the more, the more
he looked into the bill, and ietlected on
tlieprincilpl.-as it contained, and the con-
sequences likcly to follow it. Congress
had never legislated on a measure, which,
if adopted. would tell more in our future

~ - —- ' ’ ’ ‘ ‘*'.'~chabill
 E .-it ' :: ~;..I . an at-

i ii " .::.=;;i: :3~.=.: House

 .1‘? . 1-. ' v; L:-.-i.-‘zg ........i by those
who were '1 favor of its passage, was
most unexpected indeed. So soon as
this bill should have passed both Houses
of Congress and received the Executive
signature, millions of property which
had been invested in establishmenis that
had grown up under the sanction and on
the good faith of the government,-
property, not of the “sumptuous manu-
facturer” merely, (as he is called in the
South) but of the working, laborious,
common people, the laboring communi-
ty would be deprived ofits value, and all
the thousands, yes——tlie millions of those
laborous citizens would find their condi-
tion in one moment greatly changed. The
rich would become poor, and the poor
idle and wretched. Thus far they had
lived under a Government of some de-
grce of uniformity, andghad calculated,
as they had reason to calculate, that
that uniformity would, to a certain ex-
tent, be preserved ; but now, they would,
in one moment, find its policy reversed,
and themselves reduced to the utmost
distress. He had been told by the gen-
tlemen out of the House, he had not
heard it from any in the House, that the
people of the South were looking with
anxiety for this bill. But gentlemen
ought not to forget that it was not the
South alone, but the entire population
of his portion of the country, who were
looking to the fate ofthe bill with the most
intense anxiety. and he did not hesitate
to declare, there, in his place, that ifthis
bill should ever become a law, it would
prove the winding sheet ofNcw England.

In relation to this matter, the first
question he should ask was this : Were
they not bound, in endeavoring to —re
lievc the people from the burden of taxa-
tion, to see that they did not merely
change the scene of the discontent? It
was known to all, that during ‘the late
war, very deep discontent had existed in
one quarter ofthe Union in relation to
the General Government. He had the
authority of a gentleman from Georgia,
for saying that the coun_try was near rev-
olution. But let the House, while it
was endeavoring to appease his friends
at the South, be cautions that -they did
not, as he had said, merely change the
scene. He thought there was no just
cause for demanding from th_e North so
great a ‘sacrifice. The first question
asked of him by his {constituents would
be—Will South Carolina be any better
off when the" Tariff is annihilated '1 He
feaaed he should not be able to ' give an
answer such as should be satisfactory to
the people of South Carolina. It was
very important that the people of the
North should be convinced that there ex-
isted some real grievance, for the reinc-
val of which they were called on to make

.'i7~ x:.. I\_

a;!:' 2:. - ‘ft:

 

so great a sacrifice. Nothing else would
ever induce the-in to forcgo the advanta-
ges they now enjoyed. _
It was, he belived, almost unanimous-
ly admitted in all parts of the Union,
except only in the Southern States, that
the theory of illicit‘ opprcssioiis was a

taxation fell wholly upon the [)l'0(lUCtl' or
iniportcr, and not on the coiisunier.——
The President, in his Message and in
anothcr paper of his recently put forth,
had expressly declared that South Caro
liiiu theory was not a true and sound one.
=Could that Ilousc,by passing the pres-
lent bill, make the North believe that it
was l How many geutleinnn in that
House believed that it was a true theory?
Very few. How many in the other
‘House believed it? Vi ry few’. A.-:l< all
the People of the Union Nortli of that
spot, or even ask the People ofthe South
thciusclvcs, and tliiry would tell tlicin
ltliat it was false. Now, ifsuc'n was the
lopinioii held by all the branclics of the
jGOVCl'lllll(’.lll’.,:1lt(.l by the People them-
‘selves, how could they call upon the
People of the Northern and Middle
States to make a siicrifice ofall t'ieir vi-
tal interests in favor of a tlieory which
all declared to bcfoiindcd in error 1 It
was a tliiugthat never could be done. -»
‘lint he was not going to enter on that
subject. All he should say was that he
assumed the Southern tlioory to be false
—~and so holding, he allirmed it to be no
proper ground on which to demand such
a sacrifice as the bill proposi-d ; and
should the i\'ortliorn and Eastern States
be compelled to submit to it, they would
be taught to hate the Gt)V(‘l'lllll€!‘)l, and
reproach her for her perfidity as long as
they lived.

But Mr. E. went further. He asked
the friends ofthe Tarill’ what tlu:_./l clie-v-
ed to he the ll'l.lt-‘. theory was it that which
the President had, in so lucid and SI-tllS-
factory a manner, denioiistrate-d in his
last Proclamation, viz : that the duty, in
all cases, ultimately fell upon the cou-
sumer. If that was the seiuinieut of the
friends of the 'I‘arifi' in that House, then
he asked them, when the complaints of
the South were urged as the _«_ri'oat argu-
mentin favor ofthis bill, how their con-
stituents evcr could be reconciled to it.-
The climate of the Northern States, as
well as the habits and character of the
People, would prove where the bur-
theii of taxes on consumption was most
felt, ifit existed at all. They ofthe Eas-
tern Statos inhabited a rough, cold, and
comparatively sterile country, where win-
ter reigned for seven moiitlis of the year.
Did not such a population stand in need
ofwarin clothing more than the People
in the South ? Did they not want flan-
nels,and blaiikets,aiid cloths, and stock-
ings '! all which would be brought from
Great Britain. \Vhat was the tlit‘fci'ei'ice
between the labouring classes of the

I

that existed between a fziiiiily of frccmen
with their sons and daughters about them
at the family board, and the conifortli-ss
cabin of the slave. VVhere was the great
theatre of consumption 'l In the North or
in the South 2 He was willing to haz-
ard his reputation on the fact that the
great mass of consumption lay North of
this city. He believed that the ‘2,000,C~00
of People in the State ofNew-York con-
sumed more offoreign iiiiportatioiis than
5,000,000 in the slave states. The cli-
mate, and all the habits of the people
were oftlieinselves sufl_icient to show this:
and yet would the South say that they
were oppressed by the consequences of
consumption ? They could not say it.
If the House was about to change the
policy of the Nation, they must first make
the People of the North feel and under-
stand the grounds on which they proceed.
The doctrine of consumption paying
taxation was all in favor of the North,
and against the South ; and this doctrine
be fully believed to be the only true doc-
trine.

There is another consideration which
induced him to oppose this bill. A por-
tion of our income’ consisted of receipts
from the Post Office l these receipts a-
mounted to not less than $‘.2,500,000—
whence was this collected ? He did not
complain that they of the North, paid
more than their just proportion, but it
was certain that more than two-iiiii-ds
of this was collected North of the Poto-
mac. Let them look at the money, the
$3,000,000, received every year from
the sale of the Public Lands. W'here
did that come from? His constituents
knew something about the new lands at
the West. The youth of New-England
were constantly going forth to people the

wilderness. Peace go with them. IIe
expressed noregret, but _mentioncd the
fact as It. existed. Ncw- England had
“Ola d\11‘1ngthe' last ten years, gained
as much as the single State of Indiaiiiia.
There had been. one perpetual drain
from her population. VVhat proportion
of all the money received for Publc
Lands into the Treasury came from the
North? More than two-thirds of 'it.—
He knew some ofthe most inteligent and
enterprising men in his part of the Union
who had removed into the ‘Vest, carrying
with them Capitals of 3,0 and 40,000
dollars. He appealed to gentlemen
from the West to say whence the inouey
in their part ofthe Union came. They
would all reply from the Northern States.
The Customs, the Post Ofiicc, and the
Public Lands, constituted the three
great sources of support to the Treasury.
All these were drawn mainly from the
Northern States, and under such a state
of things be appealed to gentlemen from

". 2.‘: ?':u':h to say how they could ask their

North and the South? Just the difference.‘

false theory, viz: that the l)lll‘(lt‘.ll of,

Northern brctheren to come aroiintl the
great family altar of this Union. and
there offer up their vital interests in
sacrifice. The people ofthe North could
not understand it. They could not be
made to see or feel its necessity.

Mr. E. went on to say that after the
successive Tariffs oflS1(i, 1818 182-1,
ISQS, and 1‘c333,liis own State as well as
all New England, had coiisidcred the
question of the protective policy of this
country as fully established and finally
settled. [ii 155.07 the people of the east-
ern States had been. universally, ‘<1 coni-
!l.‘(’.l‘('lttl people. The ClO(3ll'lllf.* of pro-
tecting iiiaiiufactii rcs had co me from Tho:
Jcfl'crsou in the first iiistaiiee, and had
been wai'iiil_v i'cspoi".dct.l to by all the
States Soutli of the Potomac. "'I’ci'i:.=li
eomnici'ee l” was the cry. “Let us lw
iiidi-pendent of (i‘ri'c-at Brlltllll.” Vei'y
dilliirciit lliltl been the fcirling at the
Ntii'tli ; tlieie the comiuercinl popiilatioii
liad sccii nothing but starvation and ruin
before tlicni. Tliey tiitl ll'.)I,lllLl1’L‘il. link.‘
in actual l'{'l_)(:lll‘)ll ; but there existed but
one feeling on the subject, and that a
liaiiliiig oftlieinostdecided liostility. But,
the doctriiic had been finally estal lislied,
It had been estzililislied by Soiitlici‘ii votes
—-and the people ofNcw Eiigl;i:‘;l \‘~.‘5-1'0,
ltl consequence, di‘iv.';:: froiii their ships
and the theatre of their iii(ln.=;i'y cliaiiged
from the ocean to the land.

He appealed to gt:|ttlt:[)lCl’l from the
South to say wlietlicr in 1616 the Sonili
had not boeii opposi-rl by the North in this
i'epi'obatcd policy? “hose voices had lictil
lu-aird in (}on_<_-'i'i.-ss in fovor oi the (l()Cll'lllx',‘
of Proti-cii‘iii to our own iiicliistiyl. The
voice of l.owiidcs——the voice of Czilliiiiiii
above all others. It sound:--d as a deatli
iiozi-. iii the cars ofthe ."CLii'tli——l)iit l.llt;‘

p:irt_v in power forcccl the doctriiie upozi

llt‘l'. “i'i’i:rislieoniiiii»i's l” was the mot-

to on the Soiitlierii baiincr. lint what
now? Tlie :loctriiic,tliis SO!ll.ll(‘l'!l d6cii‘ii:e
was now an aboniiiiatioii: and the Eas-
terii States were called to the altar to
make a burnt siiciitice of their lllVC'S?.€!tl
c-ip.t.=il and all lllt.‘ll' hopes of pro::p:ii'ity.
Sir, it can’t be done, it will not he done.
And here ft-lr. E. asked leave in reiid to
the House the remarks of an lioiioral;-le
gentleman from Grorgiu, now in his eye,
and the etlicicut mover on this occasion,
(Mr. \VILoi-1,) in reference to this very
subject. They were as candid as they
were just, as beautiful as t'liey were true.

He read from an 21ltS\’.~'(¢l‘l't‘lUl‘lIt:tl by the
gentleman to -a letter addrcssciil to him
by a Coininittcc of his coii.-ttitneiits, in
September, last, dated in Virgiiiia, and
des‘gried as a circiilar.

“l:Vl'lllllg within view of III-0lllSlCt‘llO,
once the home and now the gi'avefofJcl'-
fcrson, I may not profaiictlie air I breathe
with the laiigiiage of submission. Nil-
tlier must. I bear false witness against my
neighbor, for His name reminds me, that
some five and twenty yetzrs ago, the Pa-
triarch ofAniericau Freedom assisted bv
Southern politciaiis, laid in the exelusioii
of all commerce with foreign lIail()llS
the foundation of proti-ction iii domes
tic inaiiufacturcs, “VVC iiiu.~t l_irii:g our
work-sliops from Europe l” “We inust
not consume the prodiictioiis of Lliose
who injure and iiisult us” “l’ci‘ish boni-
incrce l Let otir constitution live 3” if-iicli
was the language which for years found
an‘ echo in every Soutlicrii bosom, fron)
the Potomac to the Mississippi. Such
was the feclng that bore us tlirough the
Embargo--Non-intcrcourse—-Non-ini-
portation’—-‘iV'.ir. Need I tell you, gen-
tlemen, that it was Souihcrn votes which,
in 1816, carried the tarifl'part,ly for rci,-9-
nue. partly for protectio,n__agaiiist the
strenuous opposition of the negative iii-
terest '! And must I protest, even to you,
that this recapitnlation is not inade to de-
fend or accuse, the past or the present--—
to inculpate or exculpate, any man, or
party, or peoople: but simply because
IT is THE TRUTH. “The thorns we reap
are of the tree we planted ;” they may
not wound us the less; but surely we
have no right to iinpute all the injury to
others. I do not say we ought to hear
them patiently,or atall. I will not pro
sumc to tell a whole commonwealth
what it cannot hear. But I will recall
to the recollection of my countrymen,
even at the risk of some odium to my-
self, that the manufacturing States were
made such by our legislation. ‘We des-
troyed their shipping and they turned to
manufactures. Must we destroy their
inanufactures that they return to their
shipping?

“It is natural enough that we should seek
to remove restrictions which are hurtful
to our iiidusti'y ; but it is equally natural
they should strive to retain what they im-
agine beiiefieial to theirs.

“Considering then--by whom~and uii-
der what circumstances they were impo-
sed, it is asking too much of human na-
ture, to expect they will be readily aban-
doned. A part of the population on
which they were forced, once spoke of
sect-ding fron the Union if they were per-
sisted in. But the Union has survived
their discontent. They converted our
folly to their benefit; and now we medit-
tate secession unless they will instantly
relinquish their advantage.” i

He would commend this paper to the
maguanimity of the honorable gentleman
himself. The people of the Northern
States had not forgotten whence the Tar-
itl ca_me---they had not yet forgotten
that it was Georgia and S. Carolina, and
all her Southern sisters, which had led
New England into the position she now
occupied; and the Southern gentlemen
must own it to be true.

The power they were exercising in
enacting a protective system of policy,

was the power “to i‘egu‘.ats foreign com-l
inerce.” Did geiitlenien fiioni the South
find no such clause in the coiistittitioiil
There it stood; could they cease it ?—
“Cmigress xlioll ltave power torrgulute
fore2'gn comnzcrce.” As to the exercise of
this power, where was the limit’! Did
the -constitution fix any ? But it was
said tliattlie constitution was violated,
because the duties were so laid as to op-
porate a proti.-ctioii to domestic manufac-
tures. But where was the clause declar-
ing that commerce should be regulated
for revenue only ? Tlie power was ex-
(‘l'ClSt,‘tl by the Biisti:-‘Ii I"arliaiiieiit, and
in all the Governinents ofof Europe, for

,try as a wliole.

the general benefit" of the comnioii coun-
Let it be made out that
a ('.t.‘l'fl1ill exercise of this power will fur-
ther the general pi'OS]):,'1‘lI_'v', and the ex-
ercise ofit was p::i'f:~i:tly constitutional;
and it was the duty of Congress to exer-
cise it. Ift‘lii-y bi-licvcd tliatthe protec-
jting policy was calculated to bciictit their
co:i:*.ti'y were they to be told ti.-.i_.t
they must not exercise it 7 VVOuld
frieiids of the tarif1' say to tlicir coii;-.'titu~
ents here is the power, and its exercise
is for the good of the country, but we
uiiist not use it, because there are dari-
gers at the Soutli? Such an arguineiit
was iieitlicr lioiiorziblzi noi' szitislac;
tory. ' ‘lie Fiiiistittiticiii gave the power
-—tlic power had in-.'.' ‘I’ been (.’JL'L‘l‘Cia‘t_’(l to
tliisciid-aiid it was now too late to say
that the exercise of it is not coiistitiitioii
al.

lffliisi no\-:.~i- if pi'(i'_i~.~tioii could not
i'iglitl':iily li(‘:t‘.\Lt3l'ClS-(‘ll bf. (,'()l:;Il'('S.~', WllUi't3
was it? V':'i'iat bad beconie ofit? The
5-'t:ites hzzd not got; it ; '.'.‘:is it then lost ?
‘Viitliiiiwivzis llll"ti.t 2‘ from the ti'iitli.—

4

eluded, on motion of Mr. Forsytli, the
Senate went into the consideration of
executive business and was sitting with
closed doors after four o’cloek. No one
can form the most distant idea when
this debate will terminate. From pres-
ent appearances, it may bring round the
3d of March. It is well known that
there are many Senators "preparing to
oppose the bill in any shape.

As the House of Representatives have
adopted a rule admitting indiscriminate-
ly every one introduced by a member,
the hall was very much tlironged at va-
rious hours throughout this day. There
was a great deal of animation, and some
mirth, among the spectators. I heard
in succession Mr. Burgess, Mr. Bouldin,
lilr. Davis of Massacliucsets, Mr. Aple-
toii, Mi‘. Cambroleng, Mr. Stewart, Mr.
Clayton, and several interlopers, among
all of whom there were pleas, replica-
tions, l‘L‘jOl!.l(I9l‘S, rebuttcrs and sur-rebut-
ters, enough to make a yarn that would
reach from this city to New-York. I
left the combattants hard at it as late
as half after four, when there was little
appearance ofany two lines in the House
approximating to a conjunction. As 1
went up to the capital this morning, I
met, coming out of the western gate, a
plain country-niaii, whom I c.ivily asked,
Au:/zat are ilicy doiiig in the two Iiauses of
Cmigrcss this morning? “Oh, sir,” he
answt rcd, “just nothing at all. They
are only talking; and I think that is a
poor way to (lo business. Ifcverl found
my iicgroes talking in the field, I always
knew my work was falling behind.”
I rcinoiriber that on the morning of the
day on which the first Cabinet exploded,
I met one ofyour most shrewd Germans,
who after a few words has passed, with

C..::;::';=.~.sii:i_;iit l.i'~.vf=.i.iy iv-g=.;‘.:..-:: coau-
lnt"i‘('(;‘ iii ivliiit.-‘ocvci' way would iiio-st.
proiiiotc lllt‘ gnorl ofthe i-oiiii.i'y. This
very poi: l.t't)i2.:lillll.t Ll the cliicfcxcellciice
ofiliu cuii.-'t3.ti;tIozi, iii the view of the
'p(‘o;:lu of illt.‘ f‘~Joi'tli. 'lt'liey iiiliabitcd a
ll:ll'(l,Sl(‘l'ilC, and llllltif-.‘})li:‘:lllt) country.
Tit:-_v llfifl been driven from the ocean ;
and ifthr-,-i‘i* x»::.~~ no sxicii }‘:O‘.\‘L‘l' in exis-
tvzirte for the pi'«»’.retEo.i of 'il‘.£‘ll‘ lionic
illl(ll,lSll'_\', the cozistitutioii had lost its
prime i-x«.:i:‘:li-iice and \ irtuc iii tliuii‘ eyes.
Hopi':i_\'<.~il 1;-L’-ml. !‘."2“"l() allow the peo-
ple of the I‘a'orili still to look upon tlui
coii:-titiitioii as-thing‘ had done \Vi'Llt confi-
dence aziid :ifi'.~(:tioii.

Net:-.l he say that it had llt>‘(-‘ll the uni
form coiitcuipoi:iiio«:i;s iiii(l<:i:~.t:ii:(liiig of
the coixstitiitiiiii, that (‘Ioiigimss should
regulate t'iii'a:igii coiiimerce to the ends oi
pi*otcct?o:i'l Tlic ifizioii c.-mu-. into be-
ing ill‘.-'lCl' the (‘-Xi.-i£‘£‘.i',‘C of this powi-i‘.-—
E\‘ei‘_y Ilill'iOll in liiurope had cxerciscil
the sziiiie, and had exci'ci:=ed it for their
own exclusive l)t‘l‘.:"il[ --and were now
doing it. Vfliy should not this coun-
try enjoy and wivlil the same power l—
and why not use it for liar own protec-
tion 7.

 

v1*''_.';'.<r>I{ (, 1'
C\‘r‘.vxi.7i>.».i.‘li";ll‘l.'.*'\I’ "-7 I4-

* ‘W.\siii.<o'i‘o.\, .l*'i.-b. 1.

Mi‘. Ilibl) has at length, closed his
loiig.‘.all( agaiiist the I{c'.'i;i‘.ue Collection
Bill. If all its oppoiicnts llileiltl to take
as niaiiy a'(.'.',':;, for .‘5en;i'.<,- S})é,’(3(:llCS are
not lllCil:~.‘lll‘(_‘Cl hv .-’miu'::, as I‘.-E-i‘. liibb has
occiipic:l,tlie fciirth of 1‘-u’uii'cli will C0223’:
and go ‘.icfoi'e the tlLl.:2tlC gtassiirs its thi'c.:<-
liold. There is no doubt that this Bill
will pass the Senate, but wliethe-i‘ it will
pass in time to allow any actioii on it by
the ilouse, is \’‘.'l‘_\’ uncertain. The gc:ici'-
al opinion is, that the Tieiiatc will pass it
next Saturday, the Qtli, and‘ that the
House will while away the rest ofthe ses-
sion in discusssing it in Committee ofthe
\‘.''hole, in which stage of progress, the
4th of March will find it. The i\.ullifiers
will, t.lierefore, be left to act on the case
which they have made, without a pretext
to go forward, or an apology forbacking
out.

Mr. Frelinghuyscn commenced his
speech in support. of the Bill, and in re-
ply to Mr. Bibb ; but did not go beyond
seine general rsinarks on the state of the
question. 'I‘bc:'se observations were liow-
ever, of a liiglily interesting clii'act_er.

Vr".isiiiNu'roN, Feb. ‘.2.

Since Monday last, the Senate has
spent the whole of each day, from one o
'clock 1’. M. on the bill to enforce pay-
ment of the revenue. Although the bill
in its terms is general, yet the immedi-
ate object is to protect and aid the ofii
cers ofthe customs in the ports of South
Carolina to collect the duties on inporta;
tions. Mr. \Vilkins took up two days in
explanation of the bill, and in vindica-
ting its provisions went into a general a-
nalysis of the recent acts of South
Carolina.

Mr. Bibb next took the floor, and iii-
flicted a three days speech upon the Son-
ators and all the ccmpany who had the
patience to bear with him. In opposing
the bill be has cut all hisJacksou friends,
and gone over to Mr. Calhoun with all
his contingent forces, wlietlitr they be
words, specclios, or votes.

Mr. Bibb was followed by the truly a-
miable honorable, and eloquent Sena-
tor of New-Jersey, Mr. Freliiigliuyscn,
who with. his usual pathos, supported
the bill. I heard li;m through his speech
to day, which was delivered in his very
best style. In winding, up he expres-
sed a wish that he might be understood
to be devoted to the perpr~t.uatioi'i of the
Federal Union, and dcterininc-I in all
cases to protect and uphold the Judiciary
of the United States. it That department
ought to be so reinforced as to render
its decrees and its process paramount to
every other department of the govern-
inciit.

When Mr. Il.l‘Cll1lg'lll'lySCll had con-

 

lllls ting:-1' crcl-:<:d Uscl‘ his licad, and liis
loycsfixed on the Prcsident’s mansion,
said,“tlu:y are in a fine jumble tip tlierc,”
‘Wliat’s the manner, sir, said I. “(iii,
they are all at sixes and sevens.” “Ev-
ery one out, from the magician down to
the I§.ing’s fool.” I think I may apply
his wise saws to both Houses ofCongrcss.
They are in a fiiiejuinble ; all at sixes
.-mil S(.'Vx‘:llS. Before I left the House, I
llc£li"..l S£"~."t‘l‘.'1l Il'l£‘.llll‘-'t:l'S say they would
hold out till Stlli‘i'SL’, to get the bill out
oftlio coininittce ofthe whole ; while as
tii21!)y()tll(.‘l'S1)l’()l(‘Sl€(l that they would
leave u|lll'l('(l no clfort to keep it in the
miiiiiiitt-;-c. It is now late, and the House
of i~’.c-pr; soiitutivcs is still in session. At
one time I 1'».-ckoiied a majority in the
low:-r ilouse in favor of the bill; but
since the alarm sounded by South Car-
oliiia has become familiar to their cars,
l can not cert-.iiiily foretell the result.-
I have no reason to believe that
either oftlio great bills of the session will
be tiiié-illy passed. I mean, the land bill,
the tiii-iff, and the bill now pending in
the Senate, to enforce the payment of
the rcvciiue.
VVASIIINGTON, Feb. 4.

In the House of Representatives to
ilziy, Mr. Appletou’s amendment to the
'l‘ariti' bill was debuted at great length,
but no (i‘J(:l:‘l0ll upon it was obtained.

Iéir. A dams entered the field about
three o’clock, and made the motion,
which he had previousl_v announced, to
to 5!; fire out llic cnacti/igclazise ofthe bill.
.‘iccoi'ding to the Rules of the House,
“a motion to strike out the enacting
words of a bill shall have precedence ofa
inotioii to amend, and ifcarried, shall be
coiisiilt-i‘-;:tl oqiiivaleiit to its rejection.”
Mr. Adams, in the course ofliis remarks
against the general principles of the
bill made up an argument by way of il-
lustratioiis which threw the members
from the slave-lioldiiig;~'tatcs into aflame,
and promises both to prostrate the debate
and increase its acerbity. He adverted
to the clauseof the Constitution which
provides that persons ‘held to labor and
service in one State shall be reclaimed
in another, and asked if that did not pro-
vide,>2rotei.'tion for an interest peculiar to
the Southern States. He carried out the
idea at some length, and suggested that
this ])I'0ft?6ll0ll the Northern States might
withdraw, if the South determined to
withhold protection from the industry of
the North. '

The House adjourned without taking
the question o.ii l\’lr.Adams’ motion.

'WAsii1uo'roN, Feb. 5.

The Senate, to-day, took up at the
usual hour, the Revenue Collection Bill,
and Mr. Holmes spoke till after three
o’clock in support of the Bill. He fol-
lowed the good example set by Mr.
Brown in brevity, and if his successors
on the floor do the same, we shall have
the question in the course of ten days.
‘i‘vlr. Holmes’ speech was very orthodox
and sound, but not above mediocrity,’iu
any other respect. His exordium was
the most eloquent part of the speech,
and that consisted of an extract from one
of his speeches delivered in the Mass
Senate nineteen years ago. Those sen-
timents, he said, he brought with him.
into public life, and with them he should
retire from it. Mr. Tyler, of Va. has the
floor for to-morrow. He will,I suppose
speak on both sides of the question, and
conclude with an exposition and vindi-
cation of the “consecrated text” of the
Resolutions of ’98 and ’99.

The House of Represetatives, you will
see, are making at length, some progress
with the Tariff Bill. Some important
questions were taken to-day,—particular-.
ly that by Mr. Adams’ test motion for
striking out the enacting clause of the
Bill, was rejected. That vote, however
does no.t afford any, countenance to a
supposition that the bill has conciliated
the support of any new friends. The

at least eighteen or twenty negatives who
will not ultimately vote for the bill.
There was a strong effort made to pro-
tract the sittings to night, in order to get
a vote on some other questions, and the
motion for adjournment was ultimately
carried,‘ after six o’clock, by a very small
majority. _
_ \VAsiiiivc'roN, Feb. 6.

A In Senate after the passage of sundry
private bills, Mr. \Vilkins motion to fix
12 o'clock as the hour for calling the spe-
cial order of the day, was passed. Mr.
Tylertook the floorand spoke three hours
and a half in opposition to the revenue
collection bill. Mr Clayton obtained the‘
floor and the senate adjourned.

The House of Representatives fixed
upon the l3tli of Feb. to assemble with
the senate and count the votes for Presi-
dent and Vice President. The house
proceeded after acting upon sundry un-

limportant reports and resolutions to take

up the Tariff bill in committee of the
whole. A large number ofamcndments
were offered in favor of difl'ereiit articles
of manufacture, many of which were
carried.

Mr. Russell of Ohio moved to strike
out all after the enacting clause, and in-
sert as a substitute that the law of July
1832, should be, and continue in full
force and virtue until the 3d March 1841.
Pending this the house adjourned.

The Tarif Debate.—Tliis subject, as
the reader will perceive, continues un-
der discussion in the House of Repre-
sentatives. Since our last editorial refe-
rence to it, there have been several mo-
ving scencs in that House. On one eve-
ning, after the sitting had been protrac-
ted iziitil after 8 o'clock, the question was
loudly called for ;-—but Mr. Arnold, of
’I‘eii.:iessee, exclaimed :—-“Stop, Mr.
Cliaiz-man; we are not quite ready, for
the question yet.” VVhereupon, he let
offa roaring Davy Crokett speech, which
neither coughing, scoffing, nor shuflling,
could arrest or embarrass. “I can speak,
(said he,) even in the presence of a mob
like this. I do not ask honorable gen-
tlemen to listen to nie——but those who,
with tiger~like rapacity, are ready to
spring upon and destroy the tariff inter-
est this nig/it, will find themselves mis-
taken, I shall take my time, Mr. Chair-
man. I shall not hurry myself.” His
intrepidity was not to be shaken, and the
House began to despair. About 9, liow-
ever, Mr. Everett nioved that the Coir.-
inittee rise ; and to this motion Mr. A.
yirldcd the floor—at the same time a-
vowing his entire indit’t'ereiice whether
the Committee ruse or not ; for he was
good yet for a four hours heat. The
motion prevailed. Spectator.

 

SOUTH CAROLINA.— The Nzcllification
Ordinance in force.—VVe have received
the Charleston Post (a Nullification pa-
per,) ofthe evening of Feb. lst. the fol-
lowiiigis an extract.—[Jor of Com.

FEDERAL AGGRESSIONS
COMMENCED.

\Ve learn, that in pursuance of the
orders of the Dictator at Vi/ashington
the British ship Roger Stewart, captain
Kerr,from Greenwich, and Spanish Her-
moso Habenero, from Havanna, have
been brought to in the Roads by the U.
S. Revenue forces in this harbor. This
is the first act of the General Govern-
ment, which, if followed up, must bring
it in collision with us.
done at the very moment, too, that a dis-
position lias been manifested on the part
ofour people, to forbear until the end
of the present session of Congress, under
the hope, but scarcely with the expecta-
tion, that such relief would be granted
to us as would at once settle all our dif-
ferences. The course thus pursued by
the-President seems to evince a determin-
ation, that the controversy shall not end
without a conflict.

 

“A touch of an earthquake.’’-- The
following extract from a speech delivered
by a Choctaw chief, throws Nimrod
VVildfire in the back ground‘ and per-
haps can find no equal-the speeches of
the Southern Nullifiers, “nevertheless,
always excepted.”

“Tell me not of blood—I was born a
warrior. Iwas not born as other men
are, ofa woman——I was never nourish-
ed by the breast, or cherished by the af-
fection of a mother-— a dark cloud arose
in the west, and from that cloud there
came a stream of lightning, which.
struck and shattered to its root :1 huge
pine-and then sprang Tushma la ha,
with rifle, gun, scalping-knife, and tom-
ahawk ready‘ for war. If our father
(the Presitdent) say war, here is the
breast that is first to meet it. Tushma
la ha’s step is foremost to the battle ; but
if he say peace, I say peace ; but tell
me not ofblood. Tushma la ha fears-
not blood—he delights in it.”

 

Mr. Webster.-The friends of constia
tutionalliherty and the Union, will look
to Mr. VVebster for another triumphant.
vindication of the Constitution this ses-
sion of Congress. VVhen he made his.
great speech on a former occasion, the-
wholeweight and authority of the govern..
ment where against him. Now he wil.
have the advantage of contending inan-
fully for the same principles, sustained
by a popular administration. The veiy
party that formerly derided him will now
“call upon Heercules for aid.”

 

Gen. Blair has been fined $300 and
costs, for his assault upon Duff Green.

His plea of insanity did not avail him. in

majority was eighteen; and there werejthe District Court.

It has been ~-