fl
’£—‘ 1!:
iiiolttirtzl.
UTICA CONVENTION.
A Convention of‘ the friendsiof Henry Clay
in the statept‘ New-Yorlr, .'._vns held at Utica
on tlie_25tb inst. at which Mr. Clay and ‘Mr.
Sat-gaunt were unatiimotisly nominated for the
offices of President and Vice President, and
an Electoral--Ticket adopted, accompanied by
an‘ able address, from which we make the sub-
joiiiedextracta. The Electoral Tckct will
be suppor_tcd by every man in the state who
is opposed to Jacltsoii misrule,with‘out distinc-
tion of’ party ! and so good nig/it to Jaclc.s-on-
zsm ‘in that. state. -
The Convention also nominated GIDEON
GRAN GER for Governor, and Saiituijn STE-
VENS, for Lieut. Governor. _
By what portion of our fellow citizenns
is there-election ofGeiieral Jackson op-
posed P \Vo r«i~§_».-.' r, by all men, not im-
mediitely conna-:'te:l with party, and who
possess intelligence to comprehend the
tendency of his measures. But the party
organised, in greatest force iuoppositioti to
his re-election,ifnot in this State, tli_rougli-
out the country at large, is the National
‘mpublican party. This party, in -the
State of New York, the membeis of this
Converitlon represent ; and its principlt-s,
as we understand them, we feel ourselves
called upon to state. These [principles
are broad and comprelie-ns\ive ; _ they
are founded upon certain great and inter-
esting truths. In the struggle for our mi-
timial independence, the people of this
whole country consulted together, they
fought, they suffered, they triumphed as
brothers of the same family, as one people;
. they presented to the foe an unbroken,
front, and they cliaunted the same song of
victory. They were Republicans, and
NATIONAL RsI>ut3Lic.iNs. After the war
of the revolution was ended, and our inde-
pendence ZlClll6V8|(l,Ill8 government was re-
organized, and the People of the whole
Un.ited.States, for the express purpose, as
as they 'declai‘ed,”“of forming a more per-
fect union, establishing justice, ensuring
domestic-tranquility,providirig for the com-
mon defence, promoting the general'wel-
fate, and securing the blessings of liberty
to themselves and their posterity,” ordain-
ed and established that glorious Constitu-
tion, under which our advaiicement in
prosperity and liappiuess, is without a par‘-
allel in the history of man. The corrf_t:d-
eracy which existed before the formation
ofthe present Constitiition, was found too
feeble a bond of union, and the country
required, what the hearts of the people,
then fresh from the revolutionary contest,
demanded, a more perfect uniou.—Now,
we oppose that construction of the consti-
tution, which makes the government a
mere coiifederacy of independent States,
and not a bond to uniterthe people of the
wiwlg country ;_ an-ti thus reduces us in el-
tect, to the ceuditioii in which we were be-
fore the formation of the constitution.-—
\Ve believe that this Iiistrument gives pow-
or to Congress to promote, by direct legis-
lation, the domestic industry of the couri-
try, and to provide for internal improve-
ments. We believe it is the right and du-
ty of Congress to regulate the currency of
the country, and as far as pl'£lC|lCtll)lt£,nIal€e
it uniform, sound and wholesome. We
hold to the entire independence of ilio Ju-
diciary, and that its decisions on all ques-
tions, arising under the constitution and
laws, are binding not only on individuals,
but States, and allthe different branches
of the government. We hold that the
President is bound to execute every trea-
ty, and enforce every law of Congress,
where his action is required to its enforce-
ment; and that after the Supreme Court
has pronountzed stich a law’co"nstitutioiial,
his refusal or oniission to enforce it,-is a
'ust cause forimpoacliment. We believe
that all laws should be made in that spirit
of conciliation, and compromise, which
gave birth to the constitution itself; that
the interest of a majority of the people
should be consulted in the formation of
laws, and that the feelings, and even pre-
judices,of the minority should not be whol-
ly disregarded ; but the doctrine of our
party is, that when laws are duly enacted,
they are supreme ; and if not voluntarily
submitted to, must be forcibly executed,
‘as wellagainst iniividuals, as associations,
and States.—-We have hitherto, and re-
cently regarded this doctrine as a funda-
mental principle of our Republican insti-
tutions, and we regret that there should
he, at the present tirue, a necessity, as we
believe there is,for its formal promulgation.
For the purpose of carrying out into
practical operation, these principles, the
National Republican party have nomina-
ted Henry Clay of Kentucky, and John
Sergeant of Pennsylvania, to the highest
offices in the gift of the people. These
distinguished citizens have been put in
noinintition, not because ofuny distinct
personal regard for them, or for the pur-
pose ofministoring to their ambitious views,
if such they have, but because we know
them to be men of talents, integrity, and
t-xteiisive experience in public affairs :
thoroughly grounded in those constitution-
al principles taaiutaiued by our party, and
that wherever placed, they will employ
their great abilities to advance these prin-
ciples. Our principal candidate, Henry
Clay, is of humble origin ; springing
from the common people, he has, under
the fostering care of our Republican insti-
tutions, been the ariificer of his own for-
tunes. With his public life you are well
acquainted : the events of it have transpi-
'rcd in the open view of his countrymen-—
our children can relionrse II18n|.--\'VIlUllI-
or we conti.-inplato him as a member of
‘I18 House of Rtipresoiitatives, as an in-
’ ‘'’ll. of the Speaker’s chair, as it rep-
'If his country in at foreign land,
" of the late Adi.nitiisti'a-
Congress, we find
-fearfully apprehended.
. him distinguished by great ability, unwou-
ried attention to business, it frunk expres-
sion of his opinion on all public measures,
an early, j|8l'St‘\'(?l'Ilig,i3fl(I uncompromising
friend ufdomestic industry, and above till,
and more than all, by an ardent love of lib-
erty, and a heart--American to the core.
The iiatiorial Pu-pnblic-in party having
tlius placed before the people their cau-
didatns, we as members, and representi-
tives oftliat party, feel bound to employ
every uietins iiecessary to insure lllclt‘ e-
lection whicli .~'.ouutl niortality and honor
tvilljiistily. Iii iiiakirig choice of those
iiteans, wisdom deiiizitids that we caliiily
survey the prospects before us. Our op-
mint-,-tits have lieietofore calculated, \VIilI
great coiifrdo:ic'e, upon the electoral votes
ofthis State: witliot;t the tiitltifilic-st’: votes
their caritlial.iies cannot be chox-en. If
then we can insure the votes of this Stati-
f.=.- iiity other czintlitlatcs than Jackson and
Vat: Boron, the elcctioii of Ilt.-iiry Clay
and John Sergeant can be relied tipoii
with reasonable ct:rtuln|_v. But. how can
this be t-ff-.-ctetl ? Not. we tliiiik, by plu-
tzing a distinct electoral ticket of our own
loinizitiou bnfore the people, but by giv-
ing otir undivided support to the ticket
noiiiiuatod by H l't't;~‘pt‘CluI)lU and po'.re:'ful
branch oftlie opposition pit. ty,iu this place;
on the 21st of Jtiiio last. This ticket is
composed ofuien of established Cllvtfftcief,
high porsorial liouor, and tlti(lt)ul)l('tl patri-
otism : they have not been required to
give any plctlges, but have been \'v’lS>(:‘l"r'
loft ftflllti exercise oftliat (Il;s'Cl'(:'ll()n,\V'lllQ_ll
the Coustitutioii pr: sumvs to be ve~ted in
every elector. We feel confident, that if
choscii, these electors will never vote for
Andrew Jackson, or M-iiiin Van lletrt-ii,
and we firmly believe that ht-fore called
tipoii to give their votes, the absolute tie-
cesslty will be seen and .ickriowletlgetl, by.
every branch of the opposition party, of
tlefezting the election of Andrew Jticksoii
in order to save the uiiiou from dissolution.
We thei'efore recoinuicud to the undivided
support of our party, in this state, the fol-
lowing electoral ticket : ' ,
For Electors of Prcsitlciit and Vice Prc.vidcm'
JAMES KENT,
JOIIN C. SPENCER,
Silas \Vootl. George lliiritiogtun,
Eleazer Lord, Nicholas sliocriial;cr,
Heriry Cotlietil, Gt,-rrit Smith.
Joseph Tiicker, Cliaiiiicy Baker,
Eliae.Potter, Orrtu \Vithur,
James Turk, Jonios l-lawks,
Court Dubwis, Edirioml. G. Per Lee,
George A. Gay, John Miller,
Nathaniel Dtibois, Calvin Burr,
Cba.rles Hutliawuv, Joseph Duiilap,
Gideon fIaw'ey, I'Ilr:ill] It‘. Matlicr,
IlvIai‘l:lfl De Erecst, Iitilicrt Ctmli,
Jiistus M'l{instry, Itobert in‘. l{=.-so,
W’-lliain 'l‘uttle, l\l:itli:.itiicl ‘.‘.’. llowcll,
John Gebliartl, Asa ll. Suiitli,
Duncan l\'l’I\lu.rtin, jr. Sliubael Duulium,
Gilbert Vl/aring, Samuel Lacey,
Josepli Boles. Ilolloii lliitt,-liinstin,
James A. Dollibzi, George II. Bouglitou,
Robert Livingston, Nathan Mixer.
By making choice oftliis ticket we feel
confiden ofdtefeating the electi-int of Au-
drew Jackson, and Martiii Van Bui'er.,aiid
as an lnducenierit to that undivided Sup-
port which we solicit, we would present
to you, for 8 single moment, the conse-
quences resulting from an opposite course;
consequences, seine of which may be cal-
culated upon with certainty, and others
The re-election
of Andrew Jackson besides defeating the
candidates, whom we have placed in nom-
iutition,will be urged with irresistible force,
as giving the sanction to the constitution-
al doctrines of general Jackson, and the
measures of his aduiiiiistriition, thus ma-
king tlicse doctrines and measures, preco-
olent for future tiuies. Such success will
also be readily adduced as evidence of a
coiitleiuutition by the popular ‘ voice
of the Senate ofthe United ‘States, coin-
posed as it is ofour most eminent states-
men and patriots, for having l“*jt‘Clt:tl the
nemitiatioii of airiziii as urribassadoi' to a’
foreign court, who had dared for the first
time in our history, to expose our domes-
tic difl'oi'eiices to that court, and present
us a divided people, and above all the stic-
cess of_our oppoiieizts will realize that fear-
ful approlieiisiuti, before expressed of ruin
to otir country. Lot tis, their fellow citi-
Zens be united; let its have the wisdom to
accommodate ourselves to ClrCtllnSl'dl’lCe5
beyond our control; let us, for a season at
least, bury our prejudices, conquer our ari-
tiputliies, for-ego our private giiefs, and re-
gtiitlless of more names, look to results,
and utzirch in solid columns to the salva-
tion Ofour Republican institutions. If
these institutions are do:stiut:il to an over-
throw, nfwlitit avail will the p irty names,
and those minor difforciicos ofopinioii be-
twt.-en men, Slll)~‘.'ttllllitll_)' ofilit: Still-H1 prin-
ciples, when the last hopes of civil liberty
shall be exliiiguislied.
._.Q__
A DEVELOl’M["N'I‘.
From t/ic I.t::ciiigtoii (Ky) Observer.
The following letter, written by Amos
KENDALL, the Fourth Auditor of the
Treasury, to one of the citizens of Ken-
tucky, was liaudt-tl to us a few days since,
and us it relates to matters
have a direct bearing upon “ ALL” of
our elections, it will not probably be en-
tizely without interest to our reutlt:rs.—
The interference of the Federal GOVUl‘|l-
riieut,tliroiigli its patrorutge, its Executive,
or its ofiicers, with State elections, has
beeu loudly dcnouiittt.-d by the present atl-
ministration and its pt'|)Sl0||cd host,
their siucority, the letter given below is
one among the many lllUSlrtlIlOllI-,‘. l’lci'c
is a genuine letter having the signature of
“ Amos Ifemlall," the Fourth Auditor,
-‘|P|ll3INl0'<l I0 il, in his own llilntI\Vl‘llllI_t{,
ittltl t1l50 IJt'.al‘llIg his “ I-'-;-an/c” on the
outside. The subject and object ofliis
episile are to obtain subscriptions 0 ‘mart.-2_y
zlt) defrayilte eitpnnso ofcirctilatirig the
“ EXTIKA GLOBE" which it was the
. five or ten subscribers to it in your vicin-
intt-udetl tu-
Oi"
desire ofthe writer, should “ reach etiaryl
ucigliborltood in the Unitin ,-" and partic-
ularly that it “slroulclbc circulated through-
out all It’cntuclc_i/” to “ render essential
service” to the Jackson party “ in all
your (our) elections.” Here then is an
officer of the Federal Govt.-rntnent, placed
at \Vashiugtou for the purpose ol'perliirIii-
ing certain duties, and receiving t/icrcforc
t/trcc t/iausanrl (lallars pct‘ aiiuunt, \'.'l)fl,
iusteail oftitteridiiig to these duties, and
abstaining from attempts to iritoifc-.i'e in
the State electioiis, is erripluyiiig his time
in writing circulars to Obtain IE]-=fll’.)' to
influence and control our Elactiaiis. And
all this is done tiiidor the very eye of the
Exocutivo, and no one can tlonlit with his
advice and consent. It is thus that the
officers oftho Gov’t. spend tlieirtiine.
“‘ VVAsiiri\'t;'ro-.v, 23d April, 1832.
" Dl'ZAIl Sin: I take the liberty to en-
close you t-ortaiin proposals which speak
for tlioiuselvos. The people need only
correct inforiiiutioii, and the proposed pa-
per will give it on TIIE ClIE.~‘.I’ES'l‘
'l‘EI3.t"vlS. It is iutontltrtl to reach EVE-
RY i'\’ElGllPOl.ilIOOD IN THE UN-
ION ; and it is ])eculi't1i‘lg/ di.-sirczb.’e that
it s/umld be circulalccl Tl:IR()U(}lI A LL
KEN l‘UCKY. It will RENl)l3R ES-
SEi'\"l‘lAL SERVICE IN ALL YOUR
ELEC IIONS. \Vill you take the trotib-
lo, for the sake ofyour good cause, to raise
a subscription in your quarter, and make
.v])c(:(l_Ij rclurn of uauios and I\l()‘.'\‘EY ?
‘“ THE Tli‘i'iE FOR ACTION IS
AT HAND.
“ Tlic President is well and in excellent
spirits. I do not doubt that the people
whom he has so ]l(}Ilt.’Sll_y scrvcd will tri-
uuipliaiitly sustain hiiu.
“ With high iespoigt yotir’s truly.
“ AMOS KENDALL.”
——-c-—-
F rain the Uiiileil States Yclrgrupli.
Al\lO'I'l-l 31..
The western papers bring us the following
circular frniii the Coiiimissioiicr of the Geri-
eral Land Oflice :
“ Sin: I seiitl you the 2d nuiribor of
the “ L'xti'a fflobc.” It is only one dol-
lar for thirty numbers. As it is ofthe
Gf’.lCA1‘ES'K‘ lMPOR'l‘ANCE in the approacli-
lug contest for the Piesideiitzy, that thi-
paper should be circulated and read ‘irreve-
ry neig/zborboozl in Ohio, can you procure
ity? Ifyou can and do, you may ti‘au.s-
iiiit the money to me, and I will sue the
papers forwarded to such post ofiicog, .-is
you shall direct. Tlio back numbers will
be 5011!.”
COE\1I\lEl\"l‘.~—GCnOtZ'l.l Jackson, in his inatt-
gural atldress, Stlltl :
“ The recent deiiionstrcition of public
sciitiiueiit inscribes, on the list of execti-
live duties, in characters too legible to he
ovei'looket.l, the task of reform; which
will require, particularly, the coi‘recti‘5ti'til’
those abuses that have brought the pat,ron—
age of the Federal Government lfll0',.r‘lll-
that with the freedom of elections, and the
couuteraction ofthote causes which have-
disturbed the rightful course of appoint-
ment, and have placed, or continued pow-
er in, unfaithful or incompetent hands.”
one can read and compare the above letter
of Amos Kendall, with the following, written
only 3 years before, witlioutasmile, it is more
than we can do:
Illxitcii 24, 1829..
The interest of the country demands
that the (Fourth Auditor's) oflica shall be
filled \vith.mcn of business, and not with
babbling politicians. Partisan feelings
shall not entcr here, if I can keep them
out. To others belong the whole business
of clcctionccring. ' To me and my clerks
other duties are assiguetl. 'I“llt.'lll I shall
endeavor In discliarge in the spirit of Itc-
fuiui which has made General Jackson
i’rcsitlotit. “ Vain” I may be, proud I
am,tliat the President has given me ‘tin
0:vpt)i'ltlnlly to aid him in proving that rc-
form is not an empty sound, and is not to
apply inerely to clitiiige of men. lleuce-
liirili, assidtiously devoted to my Official
duties,I shall leave my enemies and his to
their freedom of speech and the press,
rr:s.fiug my claims to public B07l_fi(lt'Ilb'6 on
my acts. . AMOS KENDALL.
\
To Isaac ilfunroc, Editor of the Balti-
more Patriot.
-QX—-
OPPRESSION Oli‘ 'l‘lIE SOUTH.
Nlcssrs. I'I&yll".3 and Miller, Senators, and
=.\I«:Diiflit~, Davis, Folder, Griffin, Nucltolls
and Barnwcll, representatives in Congress
t'roui South Carolina, have published it joint
atldmss “ To the People of South Carolina,"
;_.;‘tVll!g their views oflhe present coiic‘.ttion'nutl
future prospects ofthat State, “ as they are
affected by the unconstitutional legislatioii of
Congress.” Thtiy say, that——“ Wliatevcr
hopes may have been indulged at the coin-
mcucemeiit oftlie session, that n rettii-uirig
sense of justice on the part of the in:ijn’rit_.'
would remove or ruatorially rnitigiite the grie-
vious load of oppression under which you
have so long labored, and of which you lave
sojustlj cornplained, the uiidersignetl are-new
reluctantly constraiiied to declare that these
flattcringhopcs too long tIeli':l‘t'e(l, and too
fondly Cllt'I'lSIlt.'Ll, have finally and for ‘or
vani-lied.'’ ;
They then proceed to trace the policy‘ and
measures of the government relating; tojlie
tai'ifl‘pollc_v. from the beginning; and 8.l_.t‘.'l‘
giving their own views of its principles and
objects, they sny-- "
“ Yet, what are the provisions of the
act reooiitly passed? The burtliens of
the protective duties are decidedly inc eas-
ed, estimating the cash duties and dimin-
ished credits, and they now actually stlllld
at an average of more than 50 per dent.
while the duties on the mlprolcctcd ti-
clirs, which, upon every principle ofeq al-
ity and justice, should sustain the pri ‘ci-
The National Intelligencer, says : If any l
with a few inconsiilerable exceptions, en-
tlrcly repealed. Unon those manufactures
which are received in exchange for the sta-
ple productions of the southern States, the
agigiegate increase of the burtheiis of tax-
ation” beyond what they were under the
tariff M1828, is believe-.l to be upwards
of one million of (It)ll'.ii‘s; while the reduc-
tion or repeal of the duties on those im-
ports wliich are lOCt‘IVt‘tl in exchange for
the production of the Tariff States, and
are principally constiint-tl in those States,
nmziuiits to about fotir millions of.dollai's.
Wliilo, tliet'efort-., the aggt'eg:tte burtliens
ofthe southern Stair.-s tire diiiiliiishud four
millions ofilollttrs by this bill, the positive
burthens of the Sotitliorii states are not di-
uiinisht-id tit till, and their relative btirtlieiis
are very greatly ltiClt‘i’t-‘.t.'(I. The rclir.-f
which those States will derive, as c institu-
ors, front the i't;-rlucti-an and repeal of the
duties ou the oxclitirigtss of the north, will
not be more than equivalent to the increas-
ed burtliens imposed on the exchanges of
the South.
On the other liaud, those increased
burtlit-riis on the excliaiigos of the Szrlltll
operate as bouuties to the nitinufsicturiiig
States to the aiiiouiit of int.-t't2 than a mill-
ion of dollars, and the l'(:tltlClltlll and re-
peal oftlutii.-s on their exchanges and con-
sumption operzite as a relief to them of at
least tlitco millions more. It results from
all this, that the mriniifaciui'iug States are
relieved and bentcfitted, by the provi:—;ioiis
ofilie new tariff, to the amount of four
millions ofdollars anutt:ill_v, while the on-
equal and oppressive btirtlieiis of the plati-
ting States are not only undiniiriislit-d, but
greatly agr_{i'avatetl by their increased ‘lite-
quzility. The burtlrt.-its are precisely the
SIJIHO now that the Guveriinieiit req Eros
only twelve millions of revt.-iiue, that they
were when it required double that amount.
The uxtitigtiisliiiieiii of the public debt to
wliicli they looked foi‘wai'd uith the most
choeririg uiiticipations, bi'ing.~‘ them no re-
lit.-f. Ontlu: contrary it gives them the
most itnequivocal assurance of their hope-
less condition and liiial destiny, so far as
these can be fixed by Congress. It may
be said, with perfect tiuili,tli:it even “hope,
which comes to all,” comes not to them.
There riever will occur again a period so
propitioiis as that which has just gone by
for urging upon Congress the claims oftlie
planting States to be relieved from the
burtliens of UllC~flSlllllllOll1ll and oppres-
sive taxation. Yet those claims have been
urged in vain upon an iiiit.-rested and irre-
sponsible mIl_jt)l'll_)’.
The effects oftliis systein, they say, are
irittiiifcst in t] spirit of cxtiavagaritre in the
expenditure of u:ori:.a_v ; particul:iil_v in
"the osiriblisliirieiit of a grand pension sys-
tem, embracing all the \’t.)llll)lt.‘(~‘.l‘S and mi-
liti.i who served six uioiitlis dining the rev-
olutionary war,” rice.
The address closes in the following mau-
iier :
“ Already have the principles consg;
crated by our'aiacestoi's in the revolutiona-
ry strtiggles, undergone a ratlical cliauge,
and ti large majority oftliis Uiiiou actual-
ly regard taxation as a public blessiuw. It
Ins even become a proverb among them,
that it would be wise and beneficial to re-
tain the duties though the money should
be thrown into the ocean. All this is the
natural and inevitable result of in system
which practically exempts those who im-
pose the taxes front all responsibility to
those who pay ilicin, and which not only
exempts the governing majority from all
participation in the burtlieus of taxation.
but actually confers upon that majority
bounties, proportioned to the burthens it
imposes upon the proscribed and subject
minority. ,
“ Tho tiiidersignctl have presnntml ‘this
brie-foxprisitiori of the actual COllt_ll':lt)lI of
your vital interests and your sacrtrtl rights,
that you may tlccitlt: for yt'I:li‘SclVCS what.
course it is expetlient to pursue Ill this
great eiiitwgt;-iicy, to H-’SCl.lU those interests
front impeiitling ruin, and to vindicate
those rights fi'ou_i tiiicoustitutiontil Vlt-ll'lil0n.
They will not prett.-ud to suggest the ap-
propriute renietly, but after expressing
tliclr solemn and deliberate conviction that
the protecting system must now be regar-
ded its the settled policy of the country,
and that all hope of relief from Congress
is irrecoverably gone, they leave it with
you, the snvci'ci'.gn power of 1/to State, to
tlctcrminc whet/icr the rights and (lit: lib-
-crlics wliir,/i. you received as a precious in-
/taritanizcfrtmi an illustrious dll(‘G.s‘fI‘_‘I/ shall
be lmucl_y sitrrciulcrctl wit/tout a struggle,
or traiismitterl uiztlimluis/ictl to your pos-
tcrit_i/.”
—...}_..
DEBYPE ON THE VETO.
In the Senate of the Uriitt-rd Suites, Mr.
CLAYTON, of Delaware, in his speech
on the Bank Veto, said,—-—'l‘lio Pro.-'ideut
complains as ifwo had really invaded his
privileges in omiting to ask his opinion,
before ue dared to act on this subject.-—
He not only claims the right to reject our
bill when passed, but tells us, roundly that
had the Executive been called upon to
furiiisli the project ofa Batik, he does not
doubt but /to could have directed us how
to make a constitutional Bank; and he
adds “ tlils (luty would be cheerfully per-
formed by him." \‘Vliat duty? The du-
ty ofprescrihing the whole course of our
legislation, while he reserves the right to
reject it, when we have done it. When
we wished to ask him the reasons for the
removal'0fpublic otiicers, we were told
that our demand on him would be a mere
brutuzizfuliricn, which he would disregard.
When we desired to know even ofone of
"tho lieads ofdeparttnont why he had re-
niovctl a thousand faithful public servants,
his friends suppressed all inquiry into his-
couduct, lost it rniglit disclose iuipet-iclia-
ble matter.-—Wlien we knock we find the
doors locked-—wlien we fail to knock we
pal part of tho burthen of taxation, re,
are censured for neglect of duty.
,1-,,
did. put this question to the President, in
the mode prescribed by the Constitution,
and in no other.
We passed a bill liable to no objection
from constitutional samples, as we thought
_—W8 restricted the powers of the present
Bank in every provision ofthe bill, dimin-
ished the term of its charter from twenty
to fifteen years, while we iiicreasctd the
amount of tax upon it front a million and
lialf'(tlio former bonus) to three millieiis
ofdollurs. We complied, as we tliouglit,
with every proper suggestioii of the Sec-
retary ofthe Treasury, the Executive of-
lit:or,:iiid only ofiicer whose duty it was
by law to advise us on the subject, and
who at the beginning of this session told us
how .importaut it wits to re-chatter this
very tiaiilt. to enable him to collect the rev-
enue and conduct the fiscal concerns of
the Governmeiit.
"the Executive” what we should have
duiie,aud are reminded that it was Iris
duty not only to reject our doings, but to
legislate in advance of us-—tlius leaving us
only to register his rescripts and submit to
his will. Ifthis doctrine be sound it was
idle to s-,icnk of “ submitting this ineasure
to the wisdom in Congress” three years
ago. The Presitloiit had need only to
have declared to us sic ’U!)l0, sicjubco, sic
onto, and we might at oiico have lCluI‘ll0(l
to our homes. Sir, it would liave been
an infinitely more unimportant usitipatioti
of power had the Seiiaio, at the commence-
ment ufilie present session, claiiiietl it as
their duty to iiifoim the Pl'('Sl{lt‘lll Wll:-ll
officers he should nominate for their ad-
vice and consent.
Corrcspoiidcricc (ft/to N. Y. Dally Arlvcrtiscr_
\VASIIl."3G'l‘Oi\', July E.’ ttli, 11:32
I observe the enquiry is ll‘ld..'l0 in several of
the papers, “who drew up the Veto Baiilt
i\’les.-age?" In my letter of the 5th, I men-
tioned that. the rough draft was liclievcd to
have been drawn, and agreed upon, by a court-
cél composed of the central coiiixriittee and the
kitclrcii cabinet. This I have no doubt now,
was strictly correct. Amos Kendall, howev-
er, undmibtetlly penned the Vt.-to——antl but
few material alterations were made by the atl-
vice ofany member ofthe cabinet proper.—
Mr. Kendall attended the Senate during the
discussion of the Veto Me.-ss.'ig‘c, and became
quite restive before Mr. Clayton closed his
t‘6mi\1'l{S. Mr. Clayton, more fiiily than ei-
ther of the other speakers, showed, that the
re-election of Gen. Jackson would preclude
all expectation of re-cliartering‘ the Bzinlt, du-
ring IIIS continuance in office, as the inessage
proved he was opposed to the iucorporatioti of
any bank. The message was delayed for the
arriv-.il ofI‘.l.r. Van Baron, and the veto ll3\'.l
his l!t.‘l1l'I_\’ support and CO1l(,'ul‘l'CnC€- If any
atltlitiou was made to it after his arrival, it is
believed to be in that part, where the Pro.-ideiit
is made to Slt\', he could have framed a bill
that: would have obviated all the objections he
urged against the one be rejected, if he had
been coiisulted, and the subject had been re-
ferred to him ' There is arrogance and im-
putlence enough in this remark, to induce the
p_nlief'tliat.tlie iriagician suggested its inser-
ion. . - 0
Notwithstanding the President knew Mr.
Van -Buren was unpopular ‘in the city, and
that he find but few friends in Congress, and
a still smaller number among the visitors, he
seemed to be determined to brave public sen-
timent, "rind look down all opposztioti.” In
the afternoon of the day the veto message in,
sent to the Senate, he took Mr. Van .Buren
into an open carriage, and proceeded through
the Pennsylvania Avenue towards the capitol.
A promiscuoul assemblage stood before
Brown's Hotel as the carriage ppssed ; and
as soon as the company saw the Presideritand
the “i‘(]'cclctl,” an involuntary hissing com-
menced, and continued, until they were out
of lioaring.
If the President could profit by experience.
it might reasonably,’ be supposed he would not
again attempt to force his f'.l\-'Ul'lie5 on the
pttbllt‘, or the Senate. I ineiitioned to you in
a letter on the 1 1th of June, tlint the f’1't.-I-'.:'-
zlent, on that day reirorriinatotl Mr. Gwiii to it
land oflice in lilississippi. The Senate acted
on this noinination when all the ineuibers
were present ; and after a. full di.-scussion, the
tiomiiintioii was laid on the table. with the u-
votval at the time it was not to be taken up
again. The President having made the re-
ooiuiuation, when there was a decided major-
ity against confirming the appointment, the
Senate correctly thought a gross indignity
was intended, and that it should be met in a
manner to secure its honor and dignity. The
President having once asked the advice 0'
the Senate, and that having been given against
the appointee, 8- the like advice having been
asked a second time without removing any of
the former ohjeclioits, 3 case was presented,
which rendered another negation of the item-
ination improper, and the only proper mode
of rcbukiiig the President was, to say we shall
not advise you again on this nominri'tion,wliori
you nave paid so little respect. to the advice
we have heretofore given to you. Notwith-
standirig the avowal, when the nomination
was laid on the table, Mr. \Vebster, Go_v. Bell,
Mr. llolinos, Dr. Nnutlain, and Gov. Kniglit,
having left. the city, the renominatien of Mr.
Gwin was called up by 8 Jackson Senator,ou
the Saturday before the session closed, with
the expectation that it could, from the absence
of members, he then carried through. A
warm debate followed, and the nomination
was again laid on the table, and as was sup-
posed, spiked to it. Mr. Senator Moore had
so far divested liirnselfof Executive subservi-
ency as to vote, on several occasions, against
objectionable nominations. The riomintitioii
ofMr. Van Buren, and that of Mr. Gwin
were of this character, against botlt of which
he had voted. He called on the President,
whose personal and political friend he had
been, to take his leave of him before he left
Wasliirigton. The President availed himself
ofthe opportunity, to censure Mr. Moore in
harsh terms for having deserted him. Mr.
Moore wished to explain ; but the President
became so enraged he would not hear any ex-
plauation, or any matter in extenuation. In
the course of the conversation, Mr. Moore
tidverted to the nomination of Mr. Gwiri for
an office in Mississippi, when he was an in-
habitant ofTeunessee. or of the District of
Columbia. The President became “ti roaring
lion," and swore he no or would nominate a
citizen of‘ Mississippi for that. ofiice. On the
last. morning of the session, another attempt
Sir, ‘t: ,_
was made to take tip the riotriination of Gwin.
when Mr. Poindcxter called on Mr. Moore to
Yet we are gravely taxed for not asking _
relate to the Senate, the conversation he had
held with the President on a recent occasion.
Mr. Moore complied with the request. As
the injunction of secrecy is taken off. the pub-
lic has a right to expect that Mr. Poindextcr
will not only publish his speeches delivered at
the different times this nomination was under
consideration, but that he will publish the cou-
versation between the President and Mr.
Moore, as related by the latter. This will
be as important for the future history of the
country. (cltliotigh it will hlacken the page ~.
on weich it shall be inserted) as the informa-
tion the President has elicited from Gen. La-
<-‘0¢l<. 05 to the part taken by Mr. Calhoun on
the investigation ofthe Seminole question.-
But more ofthis hereafter, and I will only re-
mark berc, that Mr. Calhoun should be cal-
led on to publish the late correspondence be-
tween the President and himself together with
Gen. Lo,co::k's testimony, taken on interroga-
tories propounded by the President. After,
M r. Mooi'c’s statement, the nomination of Mr.
G win was suffered to lie on the table.
From the Commercial ./Cltltuertiscr.
The niessage oftlie President, assigiiing
his reasons for not sanctioning the bill for
re-chartering‘ the Bank of the United States,
is one of the most extraordinary state papers
that our government has ever exh'ib'.ted.—-
Whether the mistakes and false reasoning it
contains are to be ascribed to ignorance of
\\'Ol‘Ll.°,'l.ltLl ignorance ofcommercial principles,
or to loss excu.-able causes, I will not under- ~
take to decide. The message is before the
public ; let the citizens decide for themselves.
The President calls the Bank a monopoly !
How can that be called it moiiopoly, when a
hundred other banks exist, which lnltlif.‘ as
large dividends as the Batik of the United‘
States, and sorta of them larger.’ Or how
can that be called a monopoly, whoti_e pro-
prietors are every day changing, and wben,ev.
ory man in the community who has money to
coinpziiiy, and put.-.lte of its profi's?
O.ie of the Prt:sitlent’s objections to the bill,
_ is that fir:-igners are per riiitted to hold stock;
and he tlW:~l 5 much on the fact, that eight
millions of the stock of the Bank are now
hold by foreigners. But does not the Presi-
dent know that all the money which foreign-
er.-' vest in our funds, is so much additiotial
capital in the einploymont of our Clllzcllsjtlltl
capital Vtllltlll produces more than the annual
diviilentls ofu Dink?
stock either by sending specie to purchase it,
or by taking it as remittance for goods impor-
ted. lftlie stock is paid for in coin, then so
much is added to our specie capital ; if they
take it as remittance for goods, then so mtieh
inoticy its would buy the stock is retained in
the country, which otherwise must be expor-
ted. In either case, the amount given for
the stock is capital atlllell to Arnericau cup?-
tal; which our citizvns employ in coiiirncrco
or manufactures, at a better profit than bank
capital. Itforeigners, then, obtain 7 per cent.
on their stock, they furnish capital which pro-
duces toourcitizcus ten, fifteen, and it may
he twciity per cent. It is the same thing
borrowed capitsil, which produces twice or
or t!i.ri°cc as much profit as the iiiterest paid
for it. This is alwtiys deemed an advantage.
And as to any daiiger to our goveriiment, or-
to our liberties, from the interest of foreign
stockholders in the Bankgthc suggest on, from
any other person than it president, would be
deemed mere rant. _ V _ _
The President speaks of the smrgii part of
the srocir uei(l’Dy tne‘vv'ot;te‘rir“.’${ateg, Tme,
but IIIIS must be owing IQ tone of (‘V0 cu-gun).
5lm‘°93'—l-he Want of capital, or the more
I
5lD¢5B- The latter is true to it great extent.
The cotton planter makes five times as much
by his cotton, in he could by vesting his man.
ey in bank stock.
the powers of Congress, the judiciary, ’fd
the executiye. in tleterrnining what ll, or, '3
not, constitutional, are most extraordinary,
and serve to explain his conduct in some of
his own determinations.
The -President observes that on two sub-
jects only does the constitution rccogiiize in
Cougi-ass the power to grant exclusive privi-
leges or rnonopolies— those are, the rights of
authors and inventors. .
In this paragrapli, there are two palpable
inistul.'_es——one is, tliat the coristitutiori does
not authorize Congress to grant tolautliors
an oxclu.-zive privilege. Tito right of an au-
tlior to the use of his works for profit, is a
common law right, existing antecedent to
any constitution or law on the subject- The
ft‘:im0l‘S of our constitution understood the
right and the language proper to be used
on the subject. The constitution does not
grant nor authorize Congress to grant it priv-
ilege to authors. It authorizes Congress to
secure to authors and inventors, for a limited
time, the exclusive right to their writings
and discoveries. The consltution admits the
right ofauihors and inventors, as existing in
them, and gives only to Congress the power
to secure that right.
Again, the President speaks of an author's
exclusive right as a monopoly. Now,Messrs.
Editors, is it possible that the President and
his advisers sliciild not understand plain Eng-
lish better than to apply the word monopoly
to the exclusive enjoyment ofone’s own prop-
erty ? Pray gentleman, is the Hermitage a
nionopoly? is the e-xclusi.ve-right of a man
to use his own farm ti mono ol ?
But the President, thinks that if the bqnlfi \
should be re-chartered, the stock would rife.
get a great deal of money. And is the Pres-
ident ignorant that no stock producing. only
6 or 7 per cent. will rise to 150 per cent ?
Stock in the best banks producing *7 per cent,
per aunutn, is seldom higher than 117.
Really, gentlemen, this message is it most
singular state paper. VERUS..
THE VETO ’I'RANSLATED..
'I‘o the Senate: I return the billifor con.
tinuing the charter of the Bank of the U.
nited States, for though such a bank is con- -
venient for the Government and useful-to‘
the pcople.yet the present one does not please
my adopted successor of New-York, and
‘f it is destroyed, the combination of banks
in that state, under the safety fund system,
can be made to control all the business ope-
rations of the country; and as New-York is
already the most powerful State in the Union,
it is right and properltbat all the remaining
powers of the country should be by dege
traiiisferred to her, in order that they 1 =
exercised by her favorite son, my sut
without any restraint; and that my
and sceptre may be inherited by b
all the prerogatives which I possess,
which, depending on my personal -
tie cannot iulierit without the a
some extraordinary method of
them to him. ‘
buy It sli'.it'c of I.llC~ stock, may come into the A
Foreigners obtain our ‘
W0fimbl9 Employment of capital in other rm; -‘
The opinions of the President in regard Ill?
to 150 per cent, and the stock holders woultI”E,i-.-
I
\
/
L
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Norwalk Chronicler