" and by legislative resolves. torcseirted, severally, reports which yet re-j main motiuiuents of their profound wis- dom, andcamo to the same conclusion of protectidnito AIll€'l'lCilIl ‘industry. Mr. " Jefferson argued that foreign‘ restrictions, foreign pr'o_liibitiot;s, and foreign high du- ' ties, ought -to be _met at home, by -Atu€rl- caumrestrictiotis, Anrericart‘ prohibitions, and Anr_et'ican high duties. Mr. Hamil- ton, surveying the entire ground, and look- ing at the inherent nature of the subject, treated it with art ability which, if over e- qualled, has not beett surpassed, and ear- nestly recommc-nded protection. " The wars of the French ‘Revolution coniiitenced about this period,and streams of gold poured into the United States thro’ "a thousand channels, opeired or enlarged 'by'the succr.ssful commerce which‘oui' neu- trality enabled us to proscecute. We for- got or overlooked, in the general prosper- ity, the necessity of encouraging our do- mestic manufactures. Titen came the e- dicts ol Napoleon, and the British'ordeis in council; androur embargo, noir-irtter- course, non-importation, and war, follow- ed iu rapid succession These national measures, amounting to a total suspension, for the period of their duration, of our for'eign'cotniiiet'ce, afford- cdilte most efftca‘cious eiicouragemeirt to American mattufactures; and, according- ly, they cvery__wh_ere sprung up. Whilst these meas_ures of restriction and this state of war continued, the manufactures were stimulated in their enterprises by every assurance of supjort by public seittimeiit, ' It was about that period (1808) that South Carolina bore her high testimony to the w.sdoin of the policy, in an act of her Legislature, the preamble of which, now before rue, reads, “ Whereas the establislitnent and encouragement of domestic manufactures is conducive to the interest of a State, by adding new incentives to industry, and as being the means ofdispositig, to advan- tage, the surplus productions‘ of tho agri- culttrist; Arid whereas, in the present on- oxampled state of the world, their estab- lislrnrettciit our country is not only expo- dient, but politic, in rendering us independ- ent of foreign itatit3ii's.”' " _The Legis- laturo, not being cotttpeterrt‘ to afford the most ctlicricious aid, b_v_ imposing duties on foreign rival _articlos,‘proceeded to incur- ’ poraie a company. Peace, under the treaty of _Ghent,, re- _tutnediri1815, but there did not return with it in the golden days which preceded. the edicts levelled at our conimorco by Great Britain and France. It_ found all Europe tranquilly resuming the arts and maintained by the representatives of the People; but the bill which they passed was defeatediu the Senate. It was revi~ ved in-.1824, the wltnle_‘ground carefully, and deliberately explored, and _the bill, then introduced, receiving all the sanctions of the constitution, became tlte law of the land. An amendtnent of the s_\'s'tem was propos'ed‘in 1828, to the history of which I refer with no agreeable recollections.- The bill oftlrat year, in some of its pro- visions, was framed on principles directly. adverse to the declared wishes ofthe friends ofthe policy of protection. I have ltcard (withotrt vou_c-hing for the fact) that it was so framed, upon the advice of a prominent citizen, new abroad. with the view of ul- timately defeatiiig the bill, and with assu- rances that, being altogether unacceptable to the friends of the American System,tho bill would be lost. Be that as ‘it may, the most exceptionable fezttures of the bill were staittped upott it, against the earnest remonstrances of the fr iends of the system, by the votes of Southern, itretubers, up- on a principle, I think, as unsound in le- gislation as it is reprehensible in etliics.-- 'I‘he.bill was past-ed, noutithsiaiidiiig, it having been deemed better to take the bad along with the good which it coiitained, than reject it.altug.ether. Subsequent le- gislation has corrected very much the error then perpetrated, but stillfhat measure is vehemently denounced by gerttletneri who contributed to make it what it was. Thus. sir, has this great system of pro- tection been gradually built, stone upon stone, and step by step, from the 4th ofJti- ly, 1789, down to the present period.“ In every stage of its progress, it has received the deliberate sanction of Congress. A vast majority of the People of the United States has approved, and continues to ap- prove it. livery Cltiel Magistrate of the United Sta‘tes,fr om Wasliington to the pre- sent, in sortie form or other, has given to it the authority of his name; and howev- er the opinions of the existing President are interpreted South of Mason's and Dix- on’slitre, on the North tl - aie,at least, understood to favor the e blisliinent of it judicious tar'ifl‘.- .. The question, therefore, which we are tiow ‘called upon to determirre,is notwhoth- we shall establish a new and dotrb fol sys- tem of policy,just proposed, and for the first time presented to our consideration; but whether we shall break down and des- troy a long established system, patiently and carefully built up, and sanctioned, du- ring aserics of years, again and again, by the nation and its lrigltest and nrost rever- ed antlroriries. And are we not bound de- tha business of civil life. It found Europe no longer the consumer ofour surplus, and " the employer of our navigation, but exclu- din , or lteavil butdcnin almost all the I n , productions of our agriculture; and our rivals in manufacturcs,in navigation and in ' commerce. i_ ltfound our coutttry,in short, past?-new.aitd l.ln':l‘l(3(l. ’ sive correspondence. in a situatiott totally differentfrotxi all the It became neces- sary..,t,o adapt our laws, and especially ‘our l_a.W,s.of'impost, to the new circumstances ‘in which wefouiid ourselves. - According- Iy,_.that eminent and lamented citizen,tlien atjtlie head of the treasury, (Mr. Dallas) was required, by a resolution oftlre House of Representatives, under date the 23d of _ Feb. 1815, to prej.~are and report to the " succeeding session of Congress a. system of revenue confoimablo with the actual condition of the country. He had the cir- cle of a whole year to perform the work, consulted merchants, manufacturers, and other practical men, and opened an exteri- ' The report which he nrade,.at the session of 1816, was the result of his inquiries and reflections, and "embodies the principles which he thought applicable to the subject. It has been said that the tariffof 1816 was a measure of mere revenue; and that it only reduced the war duties to a peace standard. It is ti-ue, that the question then was,how much," and in what way,_should the double duties of the war he reducedl Now, also, the que " n is, on what articles shall the do- tiesbhuced so as to subject the amount ofthe‘ future revenue to the wants of the Government? Then it was deemed an_ inquiry-ofthe first importance, as it should be now, how the reduction should be made I so as tosecuro proper‘ eticouragetiient to otir domestic industry. That this was a leading object in the arrangement of the tariff of 1816, I well remember, and it is demonstrated by the language of Mr. Dal- las. Ile says,in his report, “There are few, if any Governments, which do not regard the establishment of dciiiestic man; factuieslas a chief object of public policy. The United States have always so regard- ed it. * ' * * The demands of the ‘country, while the acquisition of supplies from foreign nations was either prolribitetl or impracticable, may have i'tffot'ded a suf- ficient inducement ft.-i‘ this itrvcstment of capital and this application of labor, but the l't1(.ll1t.'£’lI1ell.t:'-,‘ll1 its necessary ex-- tent, titust fail, wlien the day of competi- tion returns. Upon that change in the cori- dition oftlre country, the preset'vrrtioit of the manufactures, which private citizon‘~, utider favorable auspices, have cotrstitriicd the prt'rpet'ty oftlie n:ttion,‘becoines a_ coir- sideration ofgeiroral policy, to be resolv- ‘ed by a recollection of past embarrass- l' ments; by the certainty of an increased jdifiicttlty of reinstatiirg, upoit an emergen- cy, the nianufactures which shall be allow- ed to perish and pass away,” &c. The measure of protection wli. he proposed was not adopted, in regzrrd to some leading articles, and tliore was’ great ditliiculty in. ascertaining what it ought to have becn.~--- , But the principle was then distinctly assert- ’ "ed, and fully sanctioned. . The subject of the American System ‘was again brought tip in 1820, by the bill _'reported by tlrt; Chairman of the Commit- lilieralely to consider whether we can proceed tothis work ofdcstruction without a" violation of-the public faith? ’I"he-peo- ple of the Ueited -States havejustly suppo- sed that the policy ofprotecting "their in- dustry, against foreign legislation and for- eign industry, was fully settled, notby a single act but by rr-peated and deliberate ‘acts ofGoveinninnt, perforttied -at distant and frequent intervals. In full confidence that the policy was‘firmly and uuchangea- blyifixed, thousands upon thousands have invested their capital, purchased a vast a- mount of real and other estate, made per- manent establishments, and accommoda- ted their industry. Can we expose to ut- ter and irretrievable ruitt this countless pruaclr of violating the natiotial faith? I shall not discuss the constitutional question. Without meaning any disre- spect to those who raise it, if it be debate- able, it has been sufficiently debated.-— The gentlcnran from South Carolina suf- fered it to fall ttnrroriced front his budget; and it was not uittil after he had closed his s,- each and resumed his seat, that it occurred tohim that he had forgotten it, when he again addressed the Senate, and by a sort of protestation against any con- clusion froth tiis silence, put forward the objection. The recent Free Trade Con- vention at Pliiladelpliizt, it is well known, were divided on the question; and akh’o the topic is noticed in their address to the public, they do not avow their own belief that the American System is unconstitu- tional, but represent that such is the opin- ion of respectable portions of the Ameri- cart People. Another address to the Peo- ple of the Uni'ed States, front a high source, during the past year, treating this subject, does not assert the opinion of the distinguished author, but states that of otlters to be that it is uncoiistitutional.— From which I infer that he did not, lrim- self, believe it uncortsritntioital. [Here the Vice President interposed, and remarked that, if the Senator from Kentucky alluded to him, he mustsay that his opinion was, that the meast,t.e was un- constitutiuual.] _ When, sir, I contended with you, side by-side, aitd with perhaps less zeal than you L‘.Xllll)ltU(.l, in 1816, I did not under- stand you then to consider the policy for- bidden by the Constitution. A ['l‘lie Vice Presi_dent again interposed, and said that the constitutional question was not debated at that tiure, and tliatlte had never expressed an opinion coitti'ar_v to that iron: irrriniated.j I gi.v_e_w-ay with pleasure to these ex- plarrations, which I hope will always" be tirade when I ssty airy thing bcaritigon the individual opinions of the Chair. I know the delicacy of the posi ion, and sympa- thise with the incumbent, whoever he may be. It is trite, the question was not de- bated in 1816 ; and why not? Because it was not debuteabl:-; it was then believed not fairly to ari c. It never has been made, as a distinct, substantial, and lead- ing point of olijt.-ctlon. It never was tirade . until the discussion ofthc Tariff of 1824, when it was rather liinted at, as against the spirit of the cottstitutioit, than formally announced, as being contrary to tire pit»- tee of Manufactitres, no,w'a member of the bench ¢_>f_the Supreme court of the United ,St;gres,ullbl tlte principle was successfully yisions of that instrument. . W hat was not drcainpgt of before, or iii -1816, and scarce- multitudo, without jtrstly incurring the re- _ ll’ thought ofin 1824, is now made, by ex- Clted imagittations, to assume the imposing form ofa serious coitstitutioital barrier. Such are the origin, duration, extent,and sanctions of the policy which we are now called upon to subvert. Its beneficial ef- fects, although they may vary in degree have-been felt in all parts of the Union. To none, I verily believe, has it been pre- judicial. To the North, every wltere,tcs- tiinonies are borne to the high prosperity it has diffused. There, all branches ofin- dustry are animated and flourishing. Coni- merce, foreign and domes tic, active; cit- iesand tow_ns springing up, enlarging and beautifying; navigation frilly and profita- bly employetl, and the whole face of the country smiling with improvement, cheer- fulness, and abundance. The geutlernttn from South Carolina has supposed that we, in the West, derive no advantages from This system. He isjmistakcn. Let him visit us, and_lte will find, from the head of Lit Belle Riviere, at Pittsburg, to Ameri- -ca, at its mouth, the most rapid ant_l,__‘grati- He will behold Pit-tsburg. fyiitg advances. itself, Wheeling, P.ortsmo'uth, Maysville, Cincinnati, Luuisville,and ntinierous ‘oth- er towns, liuiugiand ornaiuenting» that no.- ble river, daily extending their limi,ts,,and prosecuting, with the greatest spirits\and profit, numerous branches of the mauufac-. _ruring and mechanic arts. If he will -go into the interior, in the state of Ohio,_. he will there perceive the most astonishing progress in agriculture, in the useful arts, and in all the improvements to whicli they both directly condirce. Then let‘ him cross over into my own, my favorite State, and cotiteniplrue the spectacle which is there cxlribired. He will perceive numer- ous villages, not lzrrge but treat, thriving, and somt.-_ofthem highly ornamented; nia- ny mnnufactoiies of hemp, C0'.l0l'l, _wool, and other articles. '-In various parts oftlie_ country. and especially in tlie‘Elkltorn te- gio__n,an endless succession of natural parks; the forests thinned; fallen trees and un- dergrowth cleared atvay; large herds_and flocks feeding on luxuriant grasses; -and interspersed with cornfoi'table, sonretimes elegant mansions, surrounded by ‘exigen- sive__lawns. The honorable gentleman from South Caroliira says, that a profitable trade was carried on fromthe \Vest,,t__lir’o the Seleuda gap, in mules, lior‘ses;'t',7andi other live stock, ttjliiclt has been checked by the operation ofthe Tariff. It is true- ihat such a trade was carried on between Kentucky and South_Carolina, mutually beneficial to both parties; but, several years ago, resolutiorrs, at popular meet.- ings, in Carolina, were adopted, not to purchase the produce of Kentucky, by way of punishment for her £l[l_ElClllIt8_QI to the tariff. They must have stipposed us as stupid as the sires of one of tliojl des- criptions of the stock, of which tlrat-._,t_r_ade consisted, if they imagined that thcir,i'es- olutions would affect our principles_._ Qur drovers cracked their whips, blcwr'%-tliieir horns, and passed the Selenda gap,":o"'_e,ili- er markets, where betterJ_r&g.ot'§'3"em'sted, and equal or greater profits wer.e' nt-a’dc.' I have heard ofyour SllCC€8SOI“ltl\il'le' House of Representatives, Mr. President, this anecdote; that ltejoined in the adoption of those resolutions, but whcn, about Cliristmasfi he applied to one ofliis South Carolina neighbors to purchase the regu- lar supply .of pork, for the ensuing _vear,he found that lie ltud to give two prices for it; and he declared it that were the patri- otism on which the resolutions were ba- sed, he would not conform to them, and, in point offact, laid in his annual stock of pork by jurchrrse from the first passing Kentucky drover. That trade, now par- tially resumed, was maintained by the sale of Western productions, on the one side, and Carolina money on the other. From that condition of it, the gentleman from South Carolina might have drawn this con- clusion, that an advantageous trade may exist, although one of the parties pays in specie for the production: which be pur- chases from the other; and, consequent- ly, that it does tint follow, if we did not purchase British fabrics, that it might not be the interest of England to purchase our raw material of cotton. The Kentucky drover received the South Carolina spe- cio, or, taking bills, the evidences ofdopos- it».iu the banks, carried these home, and disposing of them_ to the merchant, he brought out goods, of foreign or domestic manufacture, in return. Such is the cir- cuitous nature of trade and remittance, which no nation understands better titan Great Britain. Nor has the system, which has been the parent source of so much benefit to other parts ofthe Union, proved injuri- ous to the cotton growing country. I can- not speak of South Carolina itself, t-there I have never "been, with so much certain- ty ; but of other portions of the Union in" which cotton is. gr:-wn, especially those bordering on the Mississippi, I can confi- dently speak. If cotton planting is less profitable than it was, that is the result ‘of increased production, but I believe it to be still tlientost profitable investment of capital of any branch ef business in the U, States. And ifa committee were raised, is irh power to send for persons and papers, I take upon myself to say, that such would be the result ofthe inquiry. In Kentucky, I know many individuals wlio have their cotton plantations below, and retain their residence in that State, where they remain during the sickly season ; and they are all I believe without exception, doing well.- Others, tempted by their success, are cnit- p stantly engaging in the business, whilst sc-.tt'cely any one comes from the cotton i-r..gion_t,o engage in. western ag_riculture.—- A friend, now in my eye, a member ofthis body, upon a capital of less than seventy thousand dollars, inv_ested.in ia plaritatioii and slaves, made year before last, _six_te_e_it' thousand dollars. A member‘ _'of the other «House, I ,uttdor,s_tand, who, without remo- ving himself, sent some of his slaves to Mississippi, made, last year, about twenty per cent. Two friends of mine, in the lat- ter State, whose annual iircome is from thin] to sixty thousand dollars, being de- sirous to curtail theinbusiness, have offer- ed estates for sale, which they are willing to show, by regular vouchers ofrcceipt and ‘disbursement, yield eighteen per cent. per annum. One of my most opulent acquain- tances, in-a county adjoining to that in uh. I reside, having married in Georgia, has detiveda large portion of his wealth from a cotton estate there situated. The loss of the tonnage of Charleston, which hasbeen dwelt on, does not pro- ceed from the tariff; it never had a very large amount, and it has not been able to retain what it had, in conseqtience of the operation oftho principle of free trade on its navigation. Its tonnage has gone to the the city ofCharlestou could not maintain ‘the coasting trade existing between the dif- ferent patts,ofthe Union. That this must be the true cause, is demonstrated by the fact, that, however it may be with the port of Cllarlestoir, our coasting tonnage, gen- erally, is constantly increasing. As to the foreign toiinage,about one lralfofthat which is engaged in the direct trade between Charleston and Great Britain, is English; "proving that the tonnage of.South Carolina cannot maintain itselfin a competition, un- der the free and equal navigation secured by our treaty with that Power. When gentlemen have succeeded in their design of an immediate or gradual destruction of the American system, what istheir substitute? Free trade! Free trade l Their call for free trade is as una- vailing as the cry ofa spoiled child, in its nurse’: arms, for the moon or the stars that glitter in the firmanraent of lieaven.— It never has existed ; it never‘ will exist. Trade implies, at least, two parties. To be free it should be fair, equal, and reci- procal. ‘ But, if we throw our parts wide open to the admission of foreign prodric- tions, free ofall duty, what ports, of any foreign nation, shall we find open to the free admission ofour surplus prodttce 3-- We may break down all barriers to free -trade, on our part, bttt the work will not be complete until foreign powers shall have removed theirs. There would be freedom on one side, and restriction on the other. ‘The bolts, and the bars, of all otlter na- tions, will remain undisturbed. I-. is, in- deed, possible, that our industry and coni- merce_ would accommodate themselves to this unequal and unjust state ofihings; for soclt is the flexibility of our nature, that it bends ‘itself to all circumstances. The wretched prisoner incarcerated in a jail, aftera long time, becomes reconciled to his solitude, and regularly notches down the passing days of his confinement. Gentlemen deceive themselves. It is not free trade that they are recommending to our acceptance. It is, in effect, the British colonial system that we are invited to adopt ; and, if their policy prevail, it will lead, substantially, to the iecoloniz:.t- lion ofthese States,under the commercial dotniirion of Great Britain. And whom do we find some of the principal suppor- tors, out of Congress, of this foreign sys- tem ? Mr. President, there are some for- eigners who always remain exotics, and never become naturalized in our country ; whilst, happily, there are many others who readily attach themselves to our principles and our institutions. The honest, patient, and industrious__ German, readily unites with our people, establishes liiiuself upon some of otir fat land, fills his capacious barn, and enjoys, in tranquility, the abun- dant fruits which his diligence gathers a- round ltiin, always ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, or of its laws, when-called by the dttties of patriot- ism. The gay, the versatile, the philo- phic Frenchman, accommodating ltiniself cheerfully to all the vicissitudes oflife, in- corporates himself, without difiiculty, in our society. But, of all foreigners, none amalgamate tltemselves so quickly with our people as the native of the Emerald Isles. In some of the visions that have passed through my imagination, I have supposed that Ireland was, originally, part and parcel of this continent, and that, by some extraordinary convulsion of nature, it was torn from America, and drifting a- cross the ocean, was placed in the unfortu- uate vicinity of Great Britain. The same oponheartcdness ; the same generous hos- pitality ; the same careless and uncalcola- ting iiidiffeieitce about human life, charac- terise the inhabitants of both countries.- Kentucky has been sometimes called the Ireland ofAmerica. And I have no doubt that, if the ctrrrettt of emigration were re- versed, and set from America upon the shores of Europe, instead of heating from Europe to America every American emi- grant to Ireland would there lind,as every Irish emigrant here liuds,a hearty welcome and a happy home ! But, sir, the gentleman to whotn I am about to allude, although long a resident ofthis country, has no feelings, no attach- ments, no. sympathies, no principles, in common with our people. Neatly fifty years ago, Pennsylvania took him to lie? bosotn,'and warnted, and cherished, and honoredhim“; and how doos.he manifest his grétiludef By aiming a vital blow at a system endeared to her by a thorough con- viction that it is indispensable to her pros- ority. Ilelias filled at home and abroad, some ofthe highest ofiices utider this Gov- ernment, during thirty years, and he is stilllat héartalien. The authority Ofllls ‘nanie-has been invoked, and the labors of his pen, in the form of a memorial to Congress,h_ave been, engaged to overthrow the American system and to substitute the foreign. Go home to your native Eu- rope, "and there inculcate, upon her sove- mora.enterprising and adventurous tars of the I\orthern States, with whom those rt" a successful competition, in the freedom of - reigns, your Utopian doctrines of free trade, and when you have prevailed upon them to unsertl their ports, and freely ad- mit the produce of Pennsylvania, and oth- erstates, come back, and we shall be pre- pared to become converts, and to adopt your faith. A Mr. Sarchet also makes no inconsid- erable figure in the common attack upon otir system. I do not know the mart, but I understand ‘he is an unnaturalized enti- grant from the island ofGuernsey, situated in the channel which divides France and England. The principal business of the inhabitants is that of driving a contraband trade with the opposite shores, and Mr. Sarchet educated in that school, is, I have been told, chiefly engaged in employing his wits to elude the operation of our rev- enue laws, by introducing articles at less rates of duty thanithey are justly charge- able with, which he effects by varying their denominations, or slightly changing their forms. This mart, at a former ses- sion ofrhe Senate, caused to be presented a memorial signed by sonte 150 pretended workers in iron. Of these a gentleman nradeacareftil inquiry and examination, and he ascertained that there were only a- bout ten oftlie denominatioit represented ; the rest were tavern keepers, porters, merchants’ clerks,hackney coaclinien, &c. [have the most respectable autlror-ity, in black and white for this statement. [Here Gen. Hayne asked who 3’ and was he a manufacturer? Mr. Clay re- plied Col. Murray, of New York ; a gen- tleman ofthe highest standing for, honor, probity, and veracity ; that he did not know whether he was a manufacturer or not, but the gentleman tnigltt take him as one.* ’ Whether Mr. Sarcliet got. up the late petition presented to the Senate, from the journevmen taylors ofPlriladelphia, or not, I do not kttow. But] should not be aur- prised ifit were a movement of his, and ifvre should find .hat he has cabbagod from other classes of society .to swell out the number of signatures. To the facts manufactured by Mr. Sar- chot, and the theories by Mr. Gallatin, there was yet wanting one circunistant'.e to recommend them to favorable considera- tion, and that was the authority ‘of some high name. There was no difficulty in obtaining one from a British repository.- The honorable gentleman has cited a speech of my Lord Godericlr, addressed to the British Parliament, in favor of free trade, and ftill ofdeep regret that old Eng- land could not possibly conform her prac- tice of rigorous restriction and exclusion, to her liberal doctrines o_f unfettered coni- iiierce, so earnestly reconrrit_eudt.~d to for- eign Powers. Sir, said Mr. C. I know my Lord Godericlt very well, although my acquaintance with him was priorto his being sonrnioned to the British House of Peers. We both signed the convention between the United States do Great Brit- ain of 1815. ' He is an honorable "man, frank, possessing busincss but ordinary‘ talents, about the stature and complexion of the honorable gentleman fr.South Caro- lina, a few years older than he, and every drop of blood running in his veins being pure & unadulterated Anglo-Saxon bfood. If he were to live to the age of Mt:tlinse- lah, he could not make a speech of such ability and eloquence us’ that which the gentleman from South Carolina recently delivered to the Senate ; and there would be much’ more fitness in my Lvvrd Goda- rich making quotations from the honorable gentleman ll1ilnl1lS quoting, as authority, the theoretical doctrines ofmy Lord God- erich. We are too much in the" habit of looking abroad, not merely for manufac- tured articles, but for the sanction of high natnes to support favorite theories. I have seen, and closely observed, the British Parliament, and, without derogating from its justly elevated cliaracter,I ltave no hes- itation in saying that in all the attributes of order, dignity',patriotisni, and eloquence, the American Congress would not suffer in the smallest degree, by a comparison with it. I dislike this resort to authority, and especially foreign and interested authori- ty for the support of principles of public policy. I would greatly prefer to meet gentlemen upon the broad ground of fact, of experience, and of reason ; but, tliuce they will appeal to British. names and ari- thority, I feel myselfconipelled to imitate their bad example. Allow me to quote front the speech ofa member of the Brit- ish Parliament, bearing the same family name with ttry Lord Godeiicli, but wheth- er'or not a relation of his, I do not know. The member alluded to was arguing against the violation ofthe treaty of Methuen- that treaty, notless fatal to ihe interests of Portugal than would be the system ofgen- tlemen to the best interests of America—- and he went on to say: - " It was idle for us to endeavor to per- suade other nations tojoin with us in adop- ting tlto principles of what was called‘ ‘free trade.’ Other nations knew, as well as the noble Lord opposite, and those tvho acted‘ with him, what we meant by ‘ free trade’ was nothitig more nor less than, by means ofthe great advantages we enjoyed; to get a monopoly of all their markets for our mantrfztctures, and to prevent them, one and all,from ever becoming manufac- turing nations. Wlten the system of re- ciprocity and free trade had been propo- sed to a French ambassador, his remark was, that the plan was excellent in theory, but, to make it fair in practice, it would be necessary to defer the attempt to put it in execution forlralf a century, until France should be on the same footing with Great Britaii_i, in marine, in ntartufactures, in capital, and the many other peculiar ad- vantages which it now enjoyed. The po- —-1-__-— . - ". Mr. Clny subsequently \ licy that France acted on, was that of e. couragingits native manufactures, and it was a wise policy ; because if it were, freely to admit our manufactures, it would speedily be-reduced to the rank of an agri. cultural nation; and therefore a poor nu.‘ tion, as all must be that depend exclusive.- l_v upon agriculture. America acted too. open the saute principle with France.-— Arrterica legislated for fttturity legislated for prospering tttider this system. In twenty yea.-s,Amet-ica would be independent of England for manufactures altogether. ’ * ' But since the peace, Fraiice, Germany, world, had proceeded upon the principle of encouraging and protecting native mart-' ufacttrres.” ‘ 1; - But I have said that the system llonjjllfyljii-3 and eloqucirtly rrconimended to our adop- trial system, forced upon us by Great ain during the existence of our colonial" vassalage. The whole system is fully ex- plained and illustrated in a work published as far back as the year 1750, entitlerI_' “ The trade and navigation of Great Brit-' ain, considered by Joshua Gee," with ex- tracts front which I have been furnished by the diligent researches ofa friend. "It Carolina policy now, is identical with‘tlto long cherished pr-licyof Great Britain,’ wlrich remains the satire as it was when the 13 colonies were par: of the British . empire. In that work the author contends, “ 1. That tnatrufttctures in the Anteri- hibitt-d. “ Great Britain, with its dependencies,» is doubtless as well able to subsist within- itselfasrtny uatioii in Europe : \Ve have’ an enterprising people, fit for all the arts of peace and war: We have provisions in‘ , abundance, and those of the best sort, and , are ableto raise sufficient for double the number of inhabitants: We have the very best materials for clothing, and want noth- ing either for use or even for luxury", but ~ what we have at home oranightliave front our colonies. So that we might make such an intercourse of trade among on - selves, or between us and them, as would maintain a vast navigation. But we ought always to keep a watchful eye over our colonies, to restrain them from setting up any oftlre matnufactures which. are carried on in Britain : and any such attempts. should be crushed in the beginning: for,.. if they are suffered to grow up to ma'tnri-‘ ty, it will be difficult to suppress tlrem."—- Pages 177 8, 9. ' . “ Our colonies are mtich in the la state Ireland was in, when they began Ill] Woollen manufactory, and, as their unifi- bers increase,will fallupon manufactures fo clothing themselves, ifdue care. be not ta- ken to find employment for them in rais- ing such productions as may enable them _ to furnish themselves with all their _»n_e- cessaries from us.«", _‘~ ' , "f“_="'l"- ‘ Then it was the object of this, Britis economist to adapt the means or wealth o the colonists to the supply required\ by their necessities, and to make the mothelgr country the only source of that Sllppl.:;.---. Now it seems the policy is only so far" to be, reversed, that we must comiuue to import necessaries frotn Great Britain, in ordetfito enable her to purchase raw cotton from tis_ “2. The advantages to Great Britain from keeping the colonisfs dependent on her fin" l.IltII‘ essential supplies . I “ If we exarrrine into the circumstances . the inhabitrtnts ofour plantations and (fur ow it will appear that not one fourth part ofth product redourrds to their own profit, for, out ofall that comes here. they only curry bttclr‘ clothing and other accommodations lOi‘1heir farrriies; all which is of the merchandise and manufacture of this kingdom. \ ' Aftersshowing how this system tends to con- centrate all the surplus of acquisition.o_vt the absolute expenditure, in England,he say “ All these advantages we receive by plantations, besides the mortgages on the I ters’ estates, and the high interest they us, which is very considerable ; and the very great care ought. to be. taken, in reg-uj,,“_ ting all affairs of the colonists, that the -;,_j,,,,; ters be not put under too many dtfliculttes,bt.4\. encouraged to go on cheerfully. “ New-England, and the northern colonies, have not cotnmodtties and products enough t.'o send us in return for purchasing their neces-' A sat-y clothing, but are under very great difli- -‘ culties, and therefore, any ordinary sort sell. with them. And when they have growmo of fashion with us, they are new fashioned = nough there.” _ _, Sir, I cannot go on with this disgusting tail. Their refuse gbods; their old - keepers; their cast off clothes, good for us! Was there ever a scnem fully devised by which the energi ties of one people should be kept rendered subservient to the prile, pomp, and the power, of another. The, . ' tem then proposed differs only from that tvh. is now recommended, in one particular ; Ebat was intended to be enforced by pow'er,‘"tlus would not be less efl'ectua.lly exo-cuted.by the force‘ of circumstances. Ag-cntleman in Boeg , Couvention,from whose exhaustless mint there is a. constant issue of reports, seems to envy: the blessed condition .of dependent Canada. when compared to the oppressed state of tltzs ‘ Union ; and it is a fair inference front’ the . view which he presents, that he would have’ us hasten back to the golden days of that co.- ,. the work from which Ihave been quoting;- Mr. Lee exhibits two tabular stateinent=,“in one of which he presents the high duties win; he represents to be paid in the ports of the . 1 States,_and in the other, those which 3|. pt_i.:'d"1 in Canada, generally about two pol’ cent ad valorem. But did it not occur to him thafthe duties levied in Canada, are paid chiefly on - British manufactut-es, or on articles -passing‘ front one to another part of a common empire, and that, to present it parallel case, in the U. States, he ought. to have shown that impor- tations made into one State from another, wit‘. , are now free,-are subject to the same or-ltiglif‘ ‘,- ver duties than are paid in Canada: ' ~ _ _ understood that Col. lllnrray was (1 inercltant. -' P -- ‘ - [To be C'ontz'nucr!.] an ‘increasing population. Antei'ics,too,was ‘ America, and all the other countries oftho ~ ally callled " free trade," so earnestly I tion, is a more revival of the British’ ¢ola§g,, I‘ 1,’ _ will be seen from these, that tho Soutlt: '* can colonies, should be discouraged or pro-._, ton, (Mr. Lee) the agent of the Free Trade I lottial bondage, which is so well depicted in ' \ I 8 o i
Norwalk Chronicler