_,.....«....
other eiicroacliments, till we are stripped of
cveiy‘vest'ig‘e of sovereignty. I
Enough has been said, to show thatlhe
idea of the small states uniting in the manner
suggested,is but an idle phantom ofthe brain.
Cast your eye over the map of these United
States, and you will see, that if we ever are to
have coalitions, among one class of S‘tates,for
a common benefit, they are to be expected,
not from the small, but from the large States.
New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, should
they coalesce, aided by the smaller particles
which such a central power would naturally
attract around it, might nearly control the
destinies of this nation, unless held in check
by the salutary influence of those citadels of
our liberties, the State sovereignties, preserv-
ed in their original federative strength.
The force‘ of this nation, either in peace or
war, depends principally upon preserving in
vigorous action the sovereignty ofthe several
States. Why is it that we are so often told.
that London is England, and Paris is France?
It is owing to the cotisolidated characterof the
governments of those respective countries,
that-an enemy who gains the capital,can stop
at a blow the whole machinery, and snap the
ainews which reach to every part of the eni-
pire. But, sir, an enemy entering this Capi-
tal,has advanced but little ftirther towards the
conquest of the country than if he had enter-
ed one ofthe frontier villages of the republic.
The reason is, because we have twenty-tour
State governments, vigorous and active, pro-
tecting life, liberty, and property, and able to
call out, in embodied forms, the physical
strength of tlie,n"ation. These are the strotig
holds to ivliiclif Liberty must resort, if ever
driven fromlthis capital, either by fraud or
force. Iftliey ought notto be made stronger
they should at least be leftunirnpaired. I will
not leave this part of the subject, without no-
ticing what was said by the honorable gentle-
man from North Carolina, (Mr.Sauiiders )-
He tells us that the Constitution has not art-
swered the expectation ofits framers in this ;
that they only regarded the event of the elec-
tion of President and Vice President being
decided by the States in their federative ca-
pacity, as a remote contingency, whereas in
practice it is often to occur. Sir, this Coti-
atitntion has now been in force nearly forty
ycars—there have been tenelectionsunder it,
and yet the people have never failed, btit in
one instance, to bestow’ a majority of their
ballots upon a candidate for the Presidency,
and never even in oneinstarice have they fail-
ed to give a majority to the Vice President.
The equality of votes between Mr. Jefferson
and Col. Burr does not ituprign the accuracy
of this statement. A majority ofthe elector
al votes were intended for Mr. Jefferson as
President, and Col. Burr as Vice President.
By a singular coincidence, the ballotts for
‘Both were even; and as they could not express
which were for President,and which for Vice
President, though every school boy in the
country knew what was the intention of the
electors, it became necessary for the House
of Representatives to decide between them.
But that is an occurrence, which under the
article as now amended, can never again hap~
pen. So far then as we can gather light on
ibis subject from the history of the country,
the people in nine instances outof ten, will
give a majority for a Presidential candidate
in the primary votes» I repeat it, therefore,
that during nearly forty years, and in ten
elections, the so much dreaded contingency
has happened but once in regard to the Pres-
idency, and never as it respects the office of
Vice President. I put it to my honourable
friend to say, whether there was a man intlie
convention, when this article" was formed,who
could have believed that the contingency
would have been more remote than it lia's pro-
ved to be in practice. And yet at the first
happening of the event, which the convention
supposed would of course sometimes occur,or
they would not have provided for it, we are
called upon to remodel this article, on the
ground that it will not answer the purposes
for which it was designed. It is said, howev-
er, that hereafter, the contingency is very fre-
quently to happen; but this again is begging
the question ;ii is taking for granted the very
point which the past history of the country
’wonld lead us not to expect. Ifin the futtire
operations ofthis governuient,it should ‘appear
that this or any other part of the Constitution
fails to answer the wise purposes for which it
was designed,it will then be in time to attempt
to remedy the defect. All I ask is, that the
itistrurneirt as it now stands should have a
fair trial. It has thus far baffled the predic-
tions ofthose_who thought, and honestly tho’t
too, that it was fraught with mischief : and I
have no doubt that hereafter, if left undisturb-
ed, it will show to those who are at present
alarmed for the future, that their fears, like
those which many good men felt_at the form-
ation of the ‘instrument, are more imaginary
than real. The mere stirring of this subject,
shows the great difficulty of arranging this
coiiiproniise anew. We have already before
us more than a_ dozen different plans, and the
Lord only knows where they are to end.-—
Every morning brings a fresh batch upon
the table. '
It was urged by the honourable mover of
these resolutions, that the contingent federa-
tive vote, as now given, should be destroyed,
because executive "influence could be brought
to bear upon it. This influence, it is said, in-
sinuates itself within these walls, as, the
serpent of old once came among the bowers of
paradise. Its track, we are told, is tnarked
with corruption, and the poison of its breath
withers whatever it touches. Mr. Chairman,
is this so? Hair this Republic, indeed, be-
come rotteti, before it is scarcely ripe P Are
we the degenerate sons of a race gone by ?—
Were the I“t'2:nlilli]S, the Madisons, the Harri-
iltons, the Shermans, and the Pincltiicys,rnis-
taken as to the honesty of those who were to
follow them, when they deposited this contin-
gent power in the federative strength of the
states, acting through the rnenibers ofthe H.
of Representatives 3’ Sir, I cannot believe it.‘
Gentlemeninay hint, and coujectiire, on the
subject, but I must ltave proof, strong proof,
before, as a member ofthis Congress, ‘I can
consent to stamp upon your journals, an ac-
cusation whicli, if true, would be so degrad-
ing, so damning, to your national character.
The exercise ofa contingent sclection,from
the highest candidates, by a legislative body,
is not anomalous,iii the General Governmeiii.
.It is familiar to the people, for it exists in the
State Governments, except where a plurality
.9 - rimary votes decides the election oftheir
ciief magistrates. ldo not recollect an in-
stance in any state, where the election of a
Governor is sent back to the people,at'ter they
have made one trial, and failed in it choice-
Either one, or both branches of the legisla-
ture, in such cases, make the selection. ri-
deeil it is remarkable, that in the three states
of South Carolina, Virginia, and North Car-
olina from which we have heard through their
Representatives in the course ofthis debate,
the legislature elect the state executives in
the first instance, and the people, in their pri-
mary meetings, have no direct voice in the
election. But Ibelievethe people of those.
states do not complain of the arrangement.-
Maryland has recently passed resolutions on
this subject, and yet the legislature of that
state have hitherto retained in their own hands
the exclusive power to appoint the Governor.
In l'-.ict,we have recently seen,thi_s sarne legis-
lature quietly exercising the power of electing
an executive themselves directly, while they
were requesting their delegation in Congress
to withdraw fin. this House even a cotittngent
agency in the selection of an executive for
the Union, after the people have presented
the candidates but failed to give either a ma-
jority of votes. It is only within a few days
that the legislature of Maryland have resolved
to put the election oftheir executive hereafter
to the people, and this was carried, as I atri
told, by a close vote, and it mtist pass through
another legislature before it becomes perina-
nent. But I infer an argutiieiit from these
facts,which should not be entirely overlooked
in our present discussion; and that is, if the
people were anxious for the proposed amend-
ments—ifthey felt that it was unsafe to trust
a contingent elective power to a legislative
body,tliey would long since have risen in their
streiigth,und taken from their own state legis-
latures, not only similar-powers, but powers,
in souie instances, ten times further removed
from popular elections.
\Ve have been told that that the President
hasiinniense patronage, by which, if heis
corrupt, he can purchase up the votes of this
House. The honorable gentleman from S-
Carolina told us, that the Presirlent’s patron-‘
age was nearly equal to that of the King of
England. Indeed, ifI understood hitn cor
rectiy, he said the President ltad all the kingly,
power ofthe British monarch, except that of
declaring war, and even that he Considered
more nominal than real. Imust confess,I
ha_v’e not so understood this subject. I have
been taught to believe, that this Government
is aGovernment oflaws, and that not even
the President himself is placed beyond the
reach ofimpeachment, trial, and punishment.
But in England, the baubles of the crown
cousecrate the head of him who Wears lheiih
The maxim there is, that “ the king can do no
wrong.” The President, it is true, can return,
us a bill for reconsideration, but two thirds of
Congress can force it through against the ex-
ecutive will. In Great Britain the sovereign
has an absolute negative on all laws. Nay.
sir, he can even dissolve Parliament itself, and
send its members home, whenever it suits his
royal will. How is it here ? The Preside!!!
cannot even prorogrre the Congress; he can
only adjourn Congress. as a sort of arbitrator,
between the two Houses, when they cannot,
or will not, agree as to the time ofadjourn-
rnent. Again, the President can nominate to
the Senate, for their approbation, Ambassa-
dors, and other itiipoitant officer's; but, in)
such appointments the king of England is ab-
solute, be is considered the fountain ofhonor
and oflice. The king cannot only declare
war, but make peace. The President can do
neither. Such are some are sotne ofthe stri-
king distinctions that now occur to me, be-
tween the patronage and powers of the British
sovereign, and the executive ofthis platti con-~
stitutional government ofours.
One argument has been addressed to the
small states, which I have thus far omitted to
notice, and which I will now proceed to ex
amine. We have been told that the small
states will be compensated for giving up their
federative vote, because the controlling power
of the large states is to be broken tip by the
dis~t'i=ict system. If there is any thing in this
argument, it proves too much--it cuts both
ways. The district system is not to be confi-
nod to the large states, but it is to cut up the
small states also. If the large states would be
‘divided by the proposed system, so wouldrthe
small states. But in practice, I apprehend,
the district system, when applied to the elec-
tion ofPresideiit, would operate more severe-
ly upon the small titan the large states. The
patronage ofthis Government will always be
more plentifully distributed in the great states
than elsewhere. Those states will of course
present candidates for the Presidency, and
heads ofDepartments. State pride, the esprit
de corps, will keep a large state togeilier in
its influence and its votes. Here and there
you may see a straggling district, but the main
body, although counted offinto sections, will
enter the Presidential campaign in solid col-
umn, and with anundividedfront. The pre-
sent generation, iri some ofthe large States,
in New York for instance, might not, for one
election, be all united in favour ofa single
candidate. But wait till the different materi-
als ofits population, which have been hastily
gathered from different and distant quarters,
have becotne thoroughly amalgauiated; wait
‘till the gristle of youth has hardened into the
bone of manhood, and when New York has
acquired the old and fixed character of Mas-
sachusetts or Virginia, does any man in his
senses believe that when that day arrives, and
come it will, New York will ever fritter away
its votes‘, whether drawn out in districts, or in
any other way? How dif’t'erent would be the
condition ofa small State, when it had once
parted with its federative powers. It would
have nothing left to rally under, but would be
divided in action and interest. It would be-
cotne the merefollower ofthe camp, to the
immense columns tnoving in its vicinity.
Such are my reasons for believing that the
proposed aineridiiiems would be not only de-
structive to the small states, but, in their coii-
sequeiiccs, destructive ofthe great principles
on which our Constitution rests.
THE PANAMA MISSION.
‘ WAsi1ii\‘o'roN, March 17.
The long expected has come at last-the
Panama Message, with a string ofdocumcnts
as long as a comet’s tail, appeared in the H.
ofRepreseiitativcs about two o’clock to-day,
and 10,000 copies are already in the presses
ofthe Intelligencer office. It is a very full,
frank, clear, decided, manly production. The
President states his views oftlie- subject with-
out fear or disguise, and they are such as be
come ati American Chief Magistrate. The
guards and qualifications under which he sig-
mfied his acceptance of the invitatioii,are such
asto satisfy all honest scruples, and put the
ideal terrors felt or affected by some oi‘ the op-
position in a very silly pointol view-
Tlie Congress is to be diplomatic, not le-
gislative ; no acts of our rtiiuisters can have
the least effect till ratified at hoirie ; no alli-
ances (for other than commercial purposes.)
will be formed ; no guararitees or pledges
given ; nothing is to be done recognizing the
independence of Hayti ; and the uttiiost ex-
ertions arc to be made to prevent any change
in the condition of Cuba.
good feeling, adtnonitions of experienc_e._po-
litical information, efforts to produce religious
toleration——to abandon privateering,and put
down paper blockading, are all the points con-
templated, save the establishment ofcoiiitner-
cial reciprocity. The South American states
were fully warned that we should embark in
no project compromitting our neutrality ;_and
that even the President’s acceptance of the
invitation would have no effect till approved
bypthe Senate. The measure therefore seems
to have been guarded on all sides, and to be
tercs tofus alque rotundtts, affording no open-
ing for the attacks of those who li,3Ve 00"‘
deinried before they saw it.
Such aretlie hasty impressions produced by
once hearing this document read—perhaps.Oii
examining it more closely, it will be found, li-
able to objections which do not now suggest
themselves. From the sardonic grin, occa-
sionally exchanged among the iiieilibers in
opposition, they seetn to anticipate “ great
sport”-—-and no doubt we shall have some
stormy debate. Heaven shield us from any
tnose twelve hour speeches l—-Comm. fldv.
We select the following passages‘ from the
Message, as we find them in the N. Y. Obs.
The propriety of sending Ministers to the
meeting the President thus asserts.
“ I would have sent ministers to the meeting
had it been merely to give them such advice
as they might have desired even with refer-
ence to their own interests, not involving ours.
I would have senttlrcin, had it been merely to
explain and set forth to them otir reasons for
declining any proposal of specific tneasures
in which they might desire our concurrence,
but which we might deem incompatible with
oitr interest or our duties. In the intercourse
between nations,Temper is a tnissionary per-
haps more powerful than talent. Nothing
was ever lost by kind treatment; nothing can
be gained by sullen repulse and aspiring pre-
tensions.
“ But objects ofthe highest importance, not
only to the future welfare ofthe whole human
race, but bearing directly upon the specialiti-
terests oftliis Union, will engage the delibera-
tions of the Congress ofPanaina, whether we
are represented there or not. Others, if we
are represented, may be offered by otir Pleni-
potentiaries for consideration, having in view
both these great results—-our own interests,
and the improvement ofthe condition ofman
upon earth. It may be, that in the lapse of
many centuries, no other opportunity so fa-
vourable will be presented to the government
of the United States, to subserve the benevo-
lent purposes of Divine Providence, to dis-
pense the promised blessings ofthe Redeem-
er ofmanlrind: to promote the prevalence, in
future ages, of Peace on Earth, and Good
Will to Man, as will now be placed in their
power, by participating in the deliberations of
this Congress.
, “ Among the topics enumerated in oflieial
papers, published by the Republic of Colom-
bia, and adverted to in the correspondence
nowcomniunicated to the House, as intended
to be presented for discussion at Panama,
there is scarcely one in which the result ofthe
meeting will not deeply affect the interests of
the United States. Even those in which the
Belligerent States alone will take an active
part, will have a powerful effect upon the
state ofour relations with the American, and
probably with the principal European States.
Were it merely that we might be correctly 8:.
speedily informed of the proceedings of the
Congress, and of the progress and issue of
their negociations, I should hold it advisable
that we should have an accredited agency
with them, placed in such confidential rela-
tions with the other members as would ensure
the authenticity, and the safe and early trans
mission ofits Reports.
Among the topics which will be discussed
by the Congress, the President enumerates
the following :
“ 1. The formation qfa Conveiition qf.N'a-
vigalioti and C0mm.erce,applicable both to the
Confederate States and their Allies.
“ A measure closely analagous to this, says
the President ‘ was adopted by the Congress
of our Confederation, at the close ofthe war
of our independence; and for purposes of
precisely the same character. Three Corri-
tnissioners, with Plenipotentiary powers, were
appointed to negotiate Treaties ofAmity,_Na-
vigation and Commerce, with all the princi
pal powers of Europe. They met, and rest-
ded for that purpose about one year at Paris ;
and the only result of their negotiations at
that time, was the first Treaty between the
United States and Prussia, memorable in the
diplomatic annals ofthe world, and precious
as a tiionuuient of the principles, in relation
to Commerce and uiaritime Warfare, with
which our country entered upon her career. as
member ofthe great family of independent
nations. This Treaty, consecrated three futi-
damental principles of the foreign intercourse
which the Congress of that period were desi-
rous of establishing : First, equal reciprocity
and the mutual stipulation of the privileges of
the most favoured nation, in the comtnercial
exchanges of Peace: Secondly, the abolition
ofprivate war upon the ocean ; and '1‘liirdly,
restrictions favorable to Neutral Commerce,
upon Belligerent practices, with regard to
contraband of war,and blockades.
“ These principles were recognised at that
time only by the King of Prussia, and during
the long war in Europe, which followed the
ratification of the Treaty with that power, no
favorable opportunity occurred for obtaining
the assent ofother nations to its principles.-
Such an opportunity, however, now presents
itselfin the proposed Congress of Panama.
“ Icauiiot exaggerate to myself, says the
President, the glory with which these United
States will go forth in the memory of future
ages,if, by their. friendly coiitisel, by their
moral influence, by the power of argument Zsr.
persuasion, alone, they can prevail upon the
American nations at Panama, to stipulate, by
general agreement among themselves, and so
tar as any ol'th_erri may be concerned, the
perpetual abolition ofprivate war upon the
ocean. And if we cantiot yet flatter ourselves
that this may be accomplished, as advances
Expressions of
towards it, the establishment of the principle
that the friendly flag shall cover the cargo, the
curtailment of the contraband of.\var, and the
prescription of fictitious paper blockades, en-
gagements which, we may reasonably hope,
will not prove impracticable, will, if success-
fully inculcated, redound proportionally to
our honor, and drain the fountain of many a
future war.
“ Q. The assertion of the principle tliatthe
Jlnicrican Continents are not to be considered
as subjectsfor future coloriizalion by any Eu-
ropean power.
‘* This principle was asserted by out Go-
vernment in the late negotiations with Ros
sia, relating to the northwest coast. The
means of making effectual the assertion of
that principle will be among the subjects of
consultation at Panama, as well as the means
ofresisting interference from abroad, with the
domestic concerns of the American Gov’ts.
“ 3. To consider the political coiidi'ti'on of
the islands of 1-1a_i/ti, Cuba, and Porto Rico.
“ Whether the political condition ofthe isl-
and_of Ilayti shall be ‘brought at all into dis
cussiou at the meeting, may be a question for
preliminary advisement. There are in the_
political constitutional government of that
people, circumstances which have hitherto
forbidden the acknowledgment ofthein by the
government ofthe United States as sovereign
and iridepeiideut. Additional reasons for
Withholding that acknowledgment have re-
cently been seen in their acceptance of a no-
minal sovercignty by the grant ofa foreign
Prince, under conditions equivalent to the
concession by them of exclusive commercial
advaiitages to one nation, adapted altogether
to the state of colonial vassalage, and retain
ing little of independence btit the name. Our
plenipotentiaries will be instructed to present
these views to the assembly at Panama, and
should they not be concurred in, to decline
according to airy arrangement which may oe
proposed on different principles.
“ The condition of the Islands ofCuba and
Porto Rico, is of deeper import, and more
immediate bearing tipon the present interests
and future prospects of our Union, The cor.
respoudence herewith transmitted will show
how earnestly it has engaged the attention of
this government. The invasion of both the
Islands by the united forces of Mexico and
Colombia, is avowedly among the objects to
be matured by the belligerent states at Paria-
ma. The convulsions to which, from the pe-
culiar connosiiion of their population, il.-ey
would be liable in the event of such an inva-
sion, and the danger therefrom restiliing, of
their falling ultimately into the hands of Stiltt‘
European power, other than Spain, will not
admitofour looking at the consequences :0
which the Congress at Panama may lead, with
indifference. It is unnecessary to enlarg-'-
upon this topic, or to say more than that all
our efforts in reference to this interest, will be
to preserve the existing state of things ; the
tranquility ofthe islands, and the peace and
security oftheir iiih.ibit-..nts.
“ 4. The atloplioii Q/‘just principles of reli-
gious liberty and tolcrvition.
“The Congress of Panama, says the Pre-
sident, is believed to present a fair occasion for
-urging upon all the new nations ofthe South,
the just and liberal principles of Religious
liberty, not by any interference whatever it.
their internal concerns, but by claiming for
otir citizens, whose occupations or interests
may call them to occasional residence in their
territories, the iiiestimable privilege of wor-
shippiug their ,Creator according to the die-
tates oftheir olvn consciences. This privilege,
sanctioned b ' the customary law ofNations,
and secured y treaty stipulations, in riumer-
ous national compacts; secured even to our
own citizens in the treaties with Colombia, &.
with the Federation of Central America, is
yet to be obtained in the other S. American
States and Mexico. Existing prejudices are
still struggling against it, which may. perhaps,
be more successfully conibatted at this general
meeting, than attlie separate seats of govern-
ment of each Republic.”
In conclusion the President shows very sat-
isfactorily, that in accepting the invitation to
the Congress, he has done nothing inconsist-
ent with the advice in the Farewell Address
of Wasliitigtonrelating to eritangling allian-
ces with foreign nations, but has acted in
strict accordance with the principles which are
there laid down. He also shows clearly that
Spain and the Holy Alliance of Europe will
have no right to take offence at the tneasure,
and then adds:
“ The Holy League of Europe itself was
formed without inquiring ofthe United States
whether it would or would not give umbrage
to them. The fear of giving nmbrage to the
Holy League ofEtirope, was urged as a ino-
tive for denying to the American nations the
acltnotvledgment of their independence.—
That it would be viewed by Spain as hostility
to her, was not only urged, but directly de-
clared by herself. The Congress and Admi-
nistration ofthat day consulted their rights 8L
duties, and not their fears, fully determined to
give no needless displeasure to any Foreign
power. Neither the representation of the U.
States at Panairia, nor any measure to which
their assent may be yielded there, will give to
the Holy League, or any ofits members, nor
to Spain,tlie right to take offence. For the
rest,tlie United States must still, as hereto-
fore, take counsel from their duties,‘ rather
than their fears.”
That the Congress at Panama will accom-
plish all, or even any ofthe traiiscendaiit ben-
efits to the human race, which warned the
conceptions of its first proposer, it were, per-
haps, indulging too sanguine a forecast of e-
vents to piotnise. It is, in its nature, a meas-
ure speculative and experimental. The bles-
sing of Heaven may ttirn it to the account of
human itnprovement. Accidents unforeseen,
and inischances not to be anticipated, may
baffle all its high purposes, and disappoint its
fairest expectations. But the design is great,
is benevolent, is humane. It looks to the
melioration of the condition of man It is
congenial with tliatspirit which prompted our
declaration of indeperideuce, which inspired
the preamble ofour first Treaty with France:
which dictated otir first Treaty with Prussia,
and the instructions under which it was nego-
tiated, which filled the Iiearts, and fired the
souls of the immortal founders of our Revolu-
tion. Jorm QUINCY ADAMS.
The Ministers from Peru, to the Congress
of Panatna, Messrs. Manuel Vidaurre and
Pando, have been sometime at the latter
place. The plenipotentiaries from Mexico,
fiturtrruttt ooiiirresii. I ' '
Friday. March 17th.-"——ln the Senate, the
committee on Agriculture made a report in
favor of, repealing the duty on Salt.
ln-the House, a bill was reported, appro-
priating the sum of $904,707, to provide fog
additional naval force for the protection of
our corrimerce with Brazil and B. Ayres,
The cornmittee on commerce was dischar-
tion for a Marine Hospital at Holmes’ Hole‘,
and the same was referred to the Secretary of
the Treasury. -
An inquiry was directed, as to the expedi-.
eiicy of amending the Naturalization laws.
Several comniunications were laid before
the House, among them, a letter from the‘
Postmaster General, against the project of
abolishing the privilege of Frankiiig enjoyed
by the Posttnasters. A letter from the Sec’ry
of the Treasury, transmitting a statement of.
the value of merchandize on which duties ac-..
crued during the year 185-25, and the nett rev-‘
eerie of thatyear. Also, a statement of the
Auiericaii and foreign tonnage employed in
the foreign trade of the United States during
the same period. Also, the annual statement
ofdraiv backs payable on nierchaiidize expor-
ted froin the United States in the years 1822,.
3, and 4, as compared with the amount of (lib-
ties rec’d for those years. .
A Message was received from the President'
of the United States, on the subject of the
proposed Mission to Panama, of which, with
the accompanying documents, 10,000 copies
were ordered te be printed.
Saturday, March 18.—ln the House ofrep-
resentatives, ii bill was reported providing for
the establishtnentofa National Observatory
at Wasliiiigtoti. The bill appropriates 14,750
dollars for the necessary buildings, ISL author-
izes the President to appoint an astronomer,
two assistants, and two attendants.
A bill to confirm the reports ofthe commis-.
sinners for ascertaining the claims to titles of
land in West Florida, was read a third time
and passed.
[For the proceedings of the last week
we have not room. A bill has been reported
in the Hotise authorising the payriieiit to Mr.
Monroe the sum of 880,000.]
flrtiisafietjit Ztrgisiatitrz.
Saturdriy,.i1arch l8.—.‘v”ir. Ogden reported
a bill to amend the acts concerning Lotteries.
[The lst section imposes a penalty of $2000,
upon any person in this state,who shall vend,
sell. barter, furnish, supply, procure, or cause
to be procured, or offer to vend, sell, &.c. to or
for any person or persons, any ticket of any
lottery, or other game of chance, other than
such as have been authorised by the legisla-
titre of this state. See. Ed imposes a fine of
3250 upon any person who shall publish or
cause to be published in any newspaper, any
advertisement of the vending or selling, or of
the intended vending and selling, of any tick-
Pl of airy lottery. or game of chance, not an-
thorised by the legislature of this state. The‘
3d St'CllUll imposes a fine of 3250 upon airy
person who shall put or stick up any_ notice,
imiidbili, Site. at any door or window,or in any
other place in this state ; and $20 for every
day they shall remain up. The 4th section
imposes a fine of 3250 for the vending or pro-.
8z.c. and imposes ti fine of 81000, if he shall
thereafter act as a licensed vender. Sec. 6tlz
directs the governor to remove any manage
who shall violate the law. See. 7, 8, and J,
relate to partners as venders, and imposes the
whole aincunt of the fine upon each, 8Lc.]
Monday, .March. 20.—In the Senate, a bill
was reported to incorporate the Harlem Canal
Co. Also a bill to incorporate a Conipatiy to
construct a ship Canal along the eastern
shore to the deep waters below Albany, with
banking privileges, capital to be 31,500,000.
Also a bill to improve the navigation of the
river, by means ofexcavation.
In committee, the bills to incorporate the
Grand Canal Bank——and the National Bank
in N. Y. were rejected, and laid on the table. '
In the House, bills were reported to'iucor-
porate the Matihattanville, Harlem and York-
ville public schools, in New York ; to increase
the fees of the constables and marstialls in N.
York, in criminal process; to reduce the corn-
pensation of the register of New York. [The
draw their petition for an alteration of the
law to prevent abuses for the apprehension of
disorderly persons.]
The Attorney General made a long report
on the power ofthe state to prohibit the sale
offoreign lottery tickets; in which he says
that the state can prohibit the sale of tickets
in lotteries authorised by other states, and also
the sale of tickets in lotteries authorized by
Congress, unless in the latter case, the law
which grants the lottery shall expressly de-
clare that the tickets may he sold in any of
the States. He recommends such amend-
ments to the present Law oti the subject as
shall more fully carry into effect the intention
ofthe legislature.
Tuesday, March 21.—The bill to incorpo-
rate the African Clarltson Association, was
passed.
The bill to incorporate the Exchange bank
in New York, and the bill to incorporate the
Genesee Batik, were rejected in committee,
and the reports were laid on the table ; upoit
the express determination, however, as stated
by Mr. Wright and Mr. Colden,to call for the
question on the report of the C0tl'Jll‘llll8e'll[)0l1
these and upon the bank bills laid on the table
yesterday. Tiiequestion tvas then taken
upon the Grand Canal Batik, and the report
was agreed to, the bill rcj,ect'ed, aud- the peti-
tioners had leave to withdraw their papers.-—
’l‘be question was then taker: upon the Na-
tional Bank, and that also was rejected, trays
27, ayer 7 ; as was also the Merchant’s Ex-
change Batik, nays 20, ay cs 8. The report of
the committee on the Genessee Rink, was
disagreed to, ayes I3, noes 14; but as it was
evident that it could not ultimately pass, the
further consideration of the bill was iiidcfi.ii-
itely postponed. The bills to incorporate the.
Al adison county bank and the batik -if OI1.0u-
daga, were then also postponed, the latter by
a vote of 18 to 9.
A bill to incorporate the Highland-Bank,
which was asked for to enable the Highland
Turnpike Co. to, complete their Road, the
stock of which had depreciated, was l'f."j‘"lZ'.C(.I.
A bill was reported for a grant of :31 1:000
to Columbia College.
The bill for the reliefoftlie ll-"ii‘~ -:=! 32'.-..-inert
Fulton, was rejected in (20th .iitie».-.. riot.‘ til 37,
have also arrived, and those from Colonibui
were on the way thither at our last accounts.l
I
.and the report ofthe C-_Ummi£{e8.WaS laid on_
the table.
gcd from the f-.trtlier consideration ofa peti-i .
curing any share of ti ticket. Sec. 5, forfeits J;
the license of the person guilty ofthis vending‘ '
corporation of New York had leave to with» .
Norwalk Chronicler