I 4-... ,... - . I J For the encouragemeftt of youthful and‘ na- tive Genius, we prrblislr the following ODE TO SENSIBILITY ll roe THE GAZETTE. Give me the kindling eye, from whence learn within what tumults suell ; Give me’ the lips mtrte‘-eloqttence, \Vhiclr, more than_tougue,shall ever tell. . -2‘ ._ Too coy to breathe the softest vows, Too warm to let her wishes die, ‘ Tlrougli modest, yet what love allows She gives-—-the look, perhaps, the sigh. Then come, thou sympathising power; Dear Sénsibility, descend ; And st_ill with youth’s delicious hour Thy magic and thy sweetness blend. :7... . I-‘ROM Till‘. CHRISTIAN SPECTATOR. PEOPLE OF COLOUR. The many recent rnovements in belrailf of the children of-Africa,git'e strong indications that better times are approaching for that portion of the human family. There are many topics of disctission respecting otrr own colored people, which ought to occupy a lar- ger share than they do of the public atterr-. tion. Every American ought to feel that sla- very is the opprcbrium of the name of liberty. -—lt is “personal slavery, in comparison -to which,” saitl M r. Fox, “political slavery.tnuch as I hate it, is a bare tnetaplror.” The con-. dition and prospects of ‘the blacks, the corr- duct, prospects, and duties ofthe whites,ought to be topics of interesting inquiry to every benevolent nrind. The welfare of-I millions ofpeople, connected with this suhject,and the danger which tnay accrue, even toour free institutions, call for the deep consideration" of our statesmen. The heart of the Christian philanthropist is pained when he looks back on the past. His soul sinks within him, as he contemplates the future. "The subject is one, which, in my view, requires immediate and thorough investigation. Tltisis not only on the ground that slavery is an evil, :1 great abomination, and one which is corrtinrrally becoming more dreadftrl; bttt the inherent danger is rendered iinminenllry the measures which are going on iii the British nation.-'- Tlreir slave poptrlation is in the immediate neighbourhood of our own. They speak the ,:ta'”nre language. Tire intercourse-is easy, con- stant‘, and unavoidable. Measures are begun by which every static in the British dominions will soon be free.- The philanthropists who procured the aboli- tion ofihe slave trade in'Gteat Britain, have formed a “ Society for the mitigation, and gradual abolition of slavery, throughout the British dotnitrions.” They have acted from a principle ofeulightened benevolence; they have taken their resolution,and they will nev- er give over until the thing is accomplished. They have brought the subject before Parlia- ment. The King and Parliament have sanc- tioned with an unanimous voice the principle “that it is expedient to adopt ell'ectual and decisive rrreasut'e;s;:}:t.or atneliorating the con- dition ofthe slave pojiulation, and to prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges, which are enjoyed by other classes ofhis majesty’s subjects. When this is accomplished, as it will be, and all the col- oured population in the West Indies cotne to enjoy the “ civil rights anti privileges of his nrajcsty’s-otlter subjects,” I ask plainly, what will be the condition ofthe southern States? VVlro will say that a war of exterutination will not ensue, in which the African cause may excite as much sympathy and as liberal corr- tributions itr England and in the VVestIndies, as the Greek cause has done in this country? Can any tnan look calmly at sucha situation? But no calamity was ever avoided by shot- ting ottr eyes. The preciplceis none the less steep to him wlrotrushes blindfold toits brink. -—Neither is the evil increased by looking it steadily in the face. It is the part ofa trian- ly courage, to look at 'd-anger calmly, to stir- vey it in all its magnitude, and then to seek for a way of escape. It argues weakness, to stand lamenting over a calatnity as inevitable‘, when we ought to be taking measures to alle viate and retrieve it. ' Our southern brethren are exceedingly un- willing to be reminded of their danger ; but it is the part of true kindness,to consult their welfare rather than their feelings. Let the alarm then be continually sottrrded. The Brit- ish slaves will soon be free citizens. Destruc- tion awaits us, unless something effectual is done. Something must be done. The right ofpersonal liberty is not in all circumstances,an absolute right. If it were so, slavery would have neverbeen recognised in the word ofGod. Yet it was permitted and regulated in the laws given by God himself.- Lev. xxv. 44, 45. The only restriction was, that the Jews should not make bond slaves of one another. Neither has Clrristittuity inter- fered in this respect to abolish slavery. Paul has given directions for the rrrutual deport- meat of masters and servants, 0-r slaves, as they were in those days. Our own laws recognise involuntary servi- tude, whenever the public good, and the in- terest of the individual require it. Such is substantially the case of minors, of idiots, of spendthrifts, of drtrukards. The right ofper- sonal liberty, therefore, is not one which may be lawfully vindicated at all hazards. Salas populi, supremo less. The public good, the interest of all classes, both whites. and blacks, is the supreme law. Slaves have no more an abstract absolute right to rise and kill their masters. and involvethe whole community in destructiotr, than the son or the apprentice has to revolt from the control under which the laws have placed them. The very idea is most preposterous, that a part oftlte commu- uity have a right, which they may assert to the destruction of the peace and happiness of the whole. Th_e right ofthe master, there- fore, to the services ofhis slave, may begs pg,-‘. feet, as to the services ofhis apprentice. Btu t-lris right dgpc-ntls in either case wholly on the assumed fact, that in existing circutnstatrces the public good requires the existence ofser- vitude. It is a more creature of society, and is wholly under the control ofthe laws. The legislature have a perfect right to interfere whenever the public good requires, to modify, or even destroy the relation, and make the slave partially or entirely free. The master’s sight does not depend-at all upon the fact that he has bought his slave, or that the slave was born of parents under his control. I quote the words ofMr. Buxtou, the gentletnan he brought forward the tnotion on the subjef ,"in lvalnable commodity, and here are two claim- ants, a white man, and a black tnan. Now, what is the commodity in dispute ? The body ofthe black man. The white man says, ‘ it-is mine :’ aud.the black man says, ‘ it is mine-’ Now the question is, if every man hatl his own, to whom would the black body ~ belong ?. The claiin ofthe black man to his own body, isjust this—-nature gave it to him. He holds it by the grant of God. That corri- _ pound of bone_and inuscles, is his by the most irreproachable of all-titles-—a title which ad- tnits not what every other species oftitle ad- ntits—-a suspicion of violence, or frattd, or ir- regularity. Will any rrrau suspect, that he played the knave, and purloined his limbs P-- I do not mean to say, the negro is not a thief; he stole even so much as his own little finger. Ablcast, you will admit tlns—-tlre negro has a pretty good prima faciu claim tohis own .person. Ifauy titan thinks he has a better, the burden of proof ‘is on him. 'l‘herr we cotrre to the claim of the white man. What is the foundation of your right? You rec’d him frotn your father. Very good I Your fa- ‘ther bought him from a trader, at the Kings- ton slave market: and that trader bought trim of a min merchant in Africa. So far you are qtritesafel How did the man mer- chant a.cquire’lrinr? He stole" ltim!’ he kid- napped lritn! The very root of your claim is robbery, violence, inconceivable wicked tress. Your pure title rests on these sacred fottudatious ! Ifyour slave came tlirect frotn Africa, your right to him is absolutely noth- ing. But your claim to the child born in Ja- maica, is (if lmmy. use the expression) less still. The ’it‘ctv'-burn ‘infant has done, can have done, nothing’ to forfeit his right to free- dom. And to talk about riglrts,jnstice, equi- ty, and law, as connected with slavery, is to talk downright nonsense. But when] say. that the planter has no claim agzrnrst the slave, Itlo not say that he has no claim a- gainst the British nation.” Mr. Wm. Smith, another of the parliamentary orators, said, “ As long as we suffer ourselves, or airy per- son or persons connected with us or depend- ent upon us, to apprehend that it is possible to hold the saute unconditional ‘property in their fellow-men, as in any other species of production; until this impiotrs opinion, de- structive ofall the distinctions wlnch the Al- mighty has established between, nrau and brute, is so completely removed that not a trace ofit shall rct:.ain, the, urarclr of atnelr- oration in the condition ofthe negroes will be slow indeed.”——-——I have had three objects in view in thus going into an examination ofthe nature of slavery, as a legal instrttrtion. In the first place,l wish it to appear that the re- lation between the master and slave isa prop- er subject of legislation. It is a conventional right, and depends entirely upon the I-.r\vs.— As tlrelaws create it, they may modify, en- large, restrain, or destroy it, without any oth- erlrmrtationtlran is imposed by the general good. It is not so much a ri-gbt of property. as it is a legal relation ; and it ought to be treated as such.———Tlte second object was, to relieve slave holders from a charge, or an apprelrensioo of criminality, where itt fact, there is no offence. There can be no pallia- tion for the conduct of those who first brought the curse of slavery upon poor Africa, and poor America too. But the body of the pres- ent generation are not liable to this charge. Posterity are not answerable for the sins of their fathers, unless they approve their deeds. They found the negroes among them, in a degraded state, incapable either of appreciat- ing or enjoying liberty. They have, tlrcre- fore, nothing to answer for on this score, be- cause they have no other alternative, atpres- cnt, btrt to keep thetn in subjection. Tltere is nothing so destructive to the moral sense. as to be forced, by our principles, to the ac- knowledgment ofguilt, in that which we at the same time believe to be absolutely titra- voidable, atrd in tvlrich, tlrcrefcrc, it is impos- sible really to feel self-reproach. Our south- ern bretlnen have high itleas ofliberty. - . '=' There is nothing so calculated to make men restfve under command, as a habit and love of commanding others. Upon their own prin- ciples, they have been forticd to acknowledge even the existence of slavery, in any shape, as criminal. They have therefore concluded that as heavy a curse hung over the present generation for con,tit_,rtrju_g slavery, even when it is plainly un_ayoit "' E: as over the last for introducing it. The consequence has been, that those who seriously bewailed the evil, have folded their arms in despair ; and those who regardetl only their own gratification,ex- pecting to bear the curse at any rate, have taken the desperate resolution, “Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow wedie.” But the principle is preposterous, and the conclusion incorrect. A Christian may hold slaves, antl exact their services, without airy occasion to feel a pang of self reproach merely on account of his holding slaves. The third object aimed at, was to fasten the charge of criminality on the very spot where such acharge will lie ; and where it ought to he felt; and where alone reformation is practicable. There are no duties, without c0i’t‘e.~p0dning rights, and no rights without corresponding duties. While it is the duty ofthe slave to submit himselfto his own mas- ter, so long as the laws of his country tuakc him a slave, it ishis rigbtto be protected, by the lows, iu_the enjoyment of life, health, chastity, good natne,and every blessing which he can enjoy consistently with the public welfare. And on the other hand, rnast.ers bl legislators should feel, that subjection itself, in the best circutnstances, is a suflicient ca- larrrity: and that the yoke ought to be made as light as possible. Christianity enforces this dictate of sound reason. “ Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,” is as tnuclt the law between master and slave,as between any other tnerubers ofthe hurnau fanrily. This is so obvious, as to appear almost like a trttistn. And yet this istltc very thing that lrasalrvays been lost sight of, among slave holders. It has been wholly disregarded, in our own na- tion. flcre tsthe point to be debated, and settled. This is the ground for fastening the charge upon otrr whole nation. The latv of God requires that all the provision should be made by law which the public welfare will admit, for the protection and improvetnent of colored subjects, as well as white subj.ects.—— ./Ind this has not been done. We cannot free ourselves from this charge, by pointing. to- the comfortable ruud or even brick cabins, the warm jackets and shoes, and the abundance of corn and salt, with which the slaves are furn- iglied. \Ve are travelling out of the record, the .l5ritislr Parliament. “ Here is acerta,in t-by ccurparing their situation as regards food .'..‘.\’§‘l., but he must be a very subtle thief indeed, if \ andlodging, labour and health, with that of the laboring peasantry in the old despotisms of-Europe. We do not anstver to this indict- ment, unless we either plead guilty, or show that our laws, our custonrs,our modes oftbink- ing and acting, recognise the lrtrrnanity ofthe uegroes. \Ve must show that their rrglrts are acknowledged, their protection secured, their welfare promoted; and that, in every particular, excepting that of involuntary ser- vitude and its necessary attendants,they stand .upon the same ground with their masters.—- When this is done, we shall feel no guilt on the subject.‘ \Ve shall fear no divine ven- geanee. But this is not done. I think I may venture to assert, that in most of the slave- lrolding states, neither the laws, nor public 0- pitrion, secure to the slaves any ofthe privile- ges of-humanity. Nothing tnore is done for them, in kind, than is done for the domestic beasts; and nothing more in degree. except as they are a more valuable species of proper- ty, and are recognised, to sortie extent, as pos- sessing rational faculties. Let the contrary be slrowo. I say that of all that kind ofpro- vrsion, which goes to purify and elevate the character,and to create in the subject affection and confidence towards the government, eve- ry trace and track is completely exclnded.-=- The culture of their minds, the preservation oftlreir morals, their instruction in the only religion which cart make them good 58|‘V3m5f happy neighbors, and hopeful heirs of eternal life,every thing of the kind is guarded against by the lows, at least, even more stndiously than the abuse of their persons, and the de- sirttctiou oftheir lives. Whatever is attempt- ed for their improvement, is done by individ- ual effort, and in direct violation ofthe laws. guilt. It is the guilt of our nation. We, in the non-slave-holding states, do not feel it as we ought. But we cannot wash our hands, until we can safely declare,that we have done every thing we can, by public and private ef- forts, to remove the injustice. ‘Va have not done this. Compara tively speaking, nothing has been done. Tire Colonization Society has indeed made a beginning, and done as well as could be expected. But I ask, lrorv long it will probably be.before that institution can dispose of 30,000 blacks in a year, which is only the present annual increase? Until they can do this, the nnnrber must be contin- ually increasing. Indeed, I do not believe our southern brethren, in general, intend to do any thing more than to provide a sort of safety-valve, by this Society, to serve as an outlet for their free blacks and super-numer- aries. In our country, acts ofthe legislature are to be taken as to the expression of the ptrblic feelitrg, on all great subjects. Towards the blocks, the lttnguaee of each successive legislature has been, “ Our fathers nrade your voke heavy, but we will add thereto; otrr fa- thcrs clrastised you with whips, but we will clrastise you with scorpions.” Something must be done,to avert the fearful consequences. We cannot expect any efficient measures to be adopted spontaneously in the slave- lrolding states. ‘The natural effects of slave- ry upon the morals, industry, 'popnlation, strength, and clcvtrtiorr ofcharacter, ofa state, are so (lC5Il’llCllVC,at‘ltl it pl‘O-'ltlt.‘e5 so rrruclr vcxatiou,‘ trouble, and danger; the necessity ofit is so very questionable ; and its advant- ages are so trifling, compared with its evils; that we should naturally expect that those who are embarrassed with it would be solicit- ous about nothing else, than how to be deliv- ered from the curse. But it is not so. The people are so wedded to their_lrabits, and so fond ofexercising rrrrlitnited power, and so many of their comforts seetn to depend upon sluverv, that we cease to wonder, at not find- ing any thing done by them towards improve- ment. Iqttote the language of Mr. Clarkson, the great friend to the negroes. “ Their prrjrutices against the slaves are too great to rllow them to become either impartial or wil- iiug actors in the case. The tertn slave being synonimous according to their estimation and usage, with the term brute, they have fixed a stigma upon their negroes, such as we who live in Europe could not have conceived, un- less we had irrefragable evidence trpon the point. \Vhat evils has not this crrrcl associa- tionofternrs produced? The \Vest Indian looks down upon his slave with disdain. He- hates the sight ofhis feattlresyantl ofhis col- or ; nay, he marks with distinctive opprobri- rrtn the very blood in his veins, attaching dif- ferent natnes, of tnore or less infamy to those who have it in them, according to the quanti- ty which they have of it, in conseqtreuce of their pedigree, or oftlteir greater or less de- gree ofconsanguinity with the whites. Hence the ‘West Indian feels an unwillingness to el- evate the coudition ofthe negro, or totlo any thing for him as a hrtmau being. I have no doubt, that this prejudice has been one of the great causes, why the improvement ofour slave population bylaw has been so long re- tarded ; and that the same prejudice will con- tinue to have a similar operation, so long as it shall continue to exist. - Not that there are wanting men ofhutnanity among otrr West Indian legislators. Their humanity is dis- cernible enough when it is to be applied to the whites; but such is the system ofslavery, and the degradation attached to slavery, that their humanity seems to be lost or gone,when itis to he applied to the blacks. Not again that there are warning tnerr of sense among the same body. They are shrewd and clever enough in the affairs ofliife, where they main- taiu an intercourse with the wlritcs; but in their intercourse with the blacks their sense appears to be shrivelled and not ofits ordina- ry size. Look at the laws oftheir own mak- ing, and as far as the negroes are concerned, and they are a collection ofany thing bnt—— wisdom.” Iftltese remarks are not applica- ble to the slave laws ofour own states, let the contrary be shown. Every attempt at a thorough discussion of this subject has always been met with a cry of danger. " You will excite the slaves to insurrection,” say they. ButI ask ifthere is now no danger P If every slave owner feels as safe when he goes to bed as if lte were sur- rounded by a free peasantry ? If not, what tuearr those pistols under his pillow, and that loaded rifle over it? »And if there is even now no small degree of danger, what will be the case, when the slaves in the West lrrdies and the Spanish states, become all free citi- zens? On the subject ofdanger, I am hap- py agaiu toavail myself of the language of .-VIr_. Buxton. “I do not rneau to say, that .tlrere are not very great perils connected with the present state of the West Indie -u the contrary, I atn quite sure that there minin- cut peril at the present. rnonreut ;, and that H wire is our guilt; our full, dark, uuuritigated pression, there is danger-—wherever there is slavery there is great danger—danger, inffpro‘-“ portion to the degree of suffering. But the question is, lrowtlrat danger is to be avoided_.. I answer, that it is to be avoided by that spirit of humanity which has avoided it in other places—-by doing justice to those whom we now oppress—by giving liberty for slavery, happiness ,for tniscry. But even supposing the danger of giving to be as great as the danger of withholding ; there maybe danger in moving, and dancer in standing still-—dan- gcr in proceeding. and danger itr doing trolli- inv : then, I ask the house. and I.ask it seri- ously—\vhetlrer it is not" better for us to incur peril forjustice and lruruanity, for freedom, and forthe sake ofgiving happiness to trrill- ions hitherto oppressed ; or, whether it be better to incur peril for slavery, cruelty, atrd injustice, for the sake ofdestroyirrg the hap- piness ofthose wretched beings, upon whom we ltave already showered every species ofca- lamity ? 1 know there is danger. Danger! why ? because the few inflict, and the mul- titude suffer, gross injustice. ButI confess it does appear to tire to be the most extraor- dinary of all arguments, to contend that the danger arises not frotn slavery itself, but from the discussion ofslavery in this house. What, then, does the slave require any hint from us that he is a slave, and that slavery is of all conditions the trrost miserable ? W|ry,sir, he hears this; Ire sees this; he feels it too, in all around him. He sees his harsh uncompen- sated labor; he hears the crack ‘ofthe whip; he feels, he w-rithes under the lash. ])oes not this betray the secret ? This is no flattery ; these are counsellors which feclingly per- suade him what he is. He sees the mother ofhis children stripped naked before ~the gang of male negroes, and flogged tnrmerci- fully ; he sees his children sent to market to be sold at the best price they will fetch ; he sees in himself, not a tnan, but a thing; by West Indian law, a chattel, an implement of husbandry, a machine to produce, sugar, ;. beast of burden. And will any nran tell me, that the negro, with all this staring him in the face, and flashing him in his eyes, whether he rises in the morning or goes to bed at night,» ncver dreams that there is injustice in such treatment, till he sits down to the perusal at an English newspaper, and there leaxns, to his astonishment, that there are enthusiasts in England, who from the bottom of their hearts deplore, abhor all negro slavery ?— There are such enthusiasts; I am one of tlretn ; and while we breathe, we will never abandon the cause, till that thing, that chattel, is reinstated in all the privileges of man.” It is of no use now,for any of ‘(£3 to declaim about the danger ofthe discrtssion. We can- uot help it ifwe would. It is begun ottt ofour reach in the British Parliament, by men who spurtr all control but that of Christian princi- ple, and who will continue it until the enor- rtrity of the evil is fully searched out 8r. made known, until the evil itself is fully and for- everdcslroyed. The thing will he done. It certainly will. Look at its moment. The fact that nothing effectual has hitherto been done by law for the mitigation of its evils, warrants us in the supposition that nothing will be done, if those concerned are left to themselves. There seems to be a sort of fat- tuity about it. Slavery, as it actually exists, and as it will probably always continue while human passions remain the same, is “twice cursed,” in him who suffers and in him who inflicts it. IV/e had tuany exhibitions of its character, during the late ardor in behalf of the Greeks. It would be instructive to take any of the addresses, speeches, or resolutions made on that occasion, and to see ltow many ofthe most odious features of Turkish slave- ry may be fairly matched in this free and en- lightened country. Sotrre of them may be rendered stronger in degree, by the ferocity ofthe Turkish character. And there is some different-e in the detail. For instance, there is not the same “ uncertainty” to the negro as to the Greek slave, “- whether he shall en- joy the earnings ofhis own irrdusty; for the nlack must labour continually, with the full knowledge that he shall not enjoy them. He has not even the poor hope of the wretched Greek to animate him in his toils. There are not wanting instances, where rnastets have lteld out totlreir uegroes the hope of l'reedom'as an incitement to industry; 8: then when the poor slave, by the labor of his nights and holidays, had saved the sum required to buy him free,he has found that “ all the earn- ings ofa slave belong to his master,” anti he is still as far frotu freedom as ever. The law is so. He has no redress. It may not be so frequent an occurrence as in Turkey, but it is not owing to any law that it is not. There is another difference. Says Mr. Webster in his speech, “ Irrthe whole world, no such op- pression is felt ‘as that which has crushed down the wretched Greeks. In India, to be sure, it is bad enough in principle ; brrt in the actual feeling of oppression, it is ‘not to be compared. There the oppressed natives are themselves as barbarous as their oppressors; but here have been seven millions ofcivilized, enlightened, Christian meu,trarnplcd into the very earth, century after ceuttrr'y by a barbar- ous, pillaging, relentless soldiery. The world has no such rnisery to show.” Trne,wc have only 2 millions, not “ civilized, enlightened, nor Christian.” Though living a hundred years in the midst ofa “ civilized,enlightened, and Christian” land, they are still a barbar- ous, ignorant, and heathen race, and without any fair prospect of ever being otherwise.-— However grating to our feelings it may be to see “ a people of intelligence, ingenuity, re- finement, spirit, autl enterprise” thus oppres- sed, Iask ifit is not eqttally abhorrent to our moral principles, that a people claiming this character for themselves, should for. so rrrany ages act the part of oppressors? And that they should purposely and of design, keep 2 millions oftheir fellow men in the very low- est state of degradation? Who. that knows the pleasures ofiutellectual improvement and refined society, and the delights of domestic happiness, would consent to give them up, even ifeojoyed in Turkish bondage P W'h.rt generous mind would not rather be the Greek than the negro? And so far as the laws have effect, the negro is as absolutely subjected to the caprice of' his master, whether’ actuated by passion or by lost, as the Greek. Public opinion may indeed operate to sotneuexteut in the tnore populegaaud refined -mdtstrtct but there is abundant evidence to show, tli. - in ztnany parts of tlr.e slave territories, the.-_des- potism is exercised as absolutely asrn. ur- llrey. Lord Altlturpe, in tlrelvtlebate before altered. For I know "wlrerever there is op-'- . I A. ' ! ‘ that peril will irrc'rease,. unless our system be ’rt=.ferred to, said, “ The lronorabiejrnember for "Sandwich has stated broadly that thg'slavet. is perfectly contented and happy. Il‘.r.ve look only to the clothing and food allowed to these uufo_rtunate beings, -it is enough . to convince any reasonable man, without further iuvesti- v gation, ofthe necessity rofan alteration in the present system ; audit is idle to the last de- tzree, to'talk‘of thehappiness and comfort en-_ joyed by them. But ‘it is said that some of these happy slaves are so conscious of their bliss, that they have even refused to take ad- vantage ofan offer of liberty, and have pre- r ferred to live and die in slavery. If the olrjetzt were to prbve the low state to which as moral crgatures, these beings have been reduced, nothing could be stronger than this single statetnetrt. Good God! can it be imagined for a moment, that a tuna, possessing theleast particle of the sympathies and atfcctiotis of his species, should prefer to doom lrimsel . without remorse, to slavery for life ;' that he should doom his chiltlreu after him, from gen-i eration to generation, to-be born, to live, and die, in the bonds of slavery; tlrat.'.lie’should dootn for ever his sons to the lash of the slave driver, and expose his daughters to the will bit power of a cruel task master ? If any thing Isay, can raise feelings of indignation and horror in the breast, it would be the knowl- edge of such a fact asthis.”' Said M r. Brouglram,on the same occasion,- " In Jamaica, too, I atn told all is perfect ; and that the negro, who must be allowed to be the bestjudge oflns own happiness, is p'.r- fectly contented with his lot.——Bnt utt- fortunately for this assertion, it appears front consulting a single page ofthe Jamaica ga- zettes, that it cannot be supported. It is en- rious to observe the broad ‘and most unequiv- ocal contradiction given by these gazettes to this grave statetnent of tire Jamaica assembly ——for it thence appears that many ofthe ne- groes have shown a most pointed desire to change their happy situation. In a single‘ page oftbese gazettes, there are no less than fifty ‘ Runaways,’-—persons quitting this en- viable situation, not only with a certainty of tnany privations, but at the risk of all the se- vere penalties which attach to their crime.” Such are the views and feelings of some of the most enlightened philanthropists in the world. Antl something will certainly be done in the case. The thought is not to be endur- ed for a moment, that the present state o things should last always. It would seem al- tnost like an imputation upon Divine Provi- dence -to believe that he had strffered 2 mill- ions ofhis creatures to become so involved in calamity that there was no possibility of a rescue. If God is just, something will be‘ done. It will be done with our consent or a- gainst it ; by our efforts, or in spite of them,- The decree is past, and it hastens to its ac- complishment.---It cannot be believed that while all the rest of_.ntankind are advancing; in the march ofimprovetnent, two ruillions ot‘ ' the race, in free Anrerica, shall be left inure- trievabl-e degradation. The foundations of rights and duties are becoming known. And have the negroes neither do ties nor rights ? The Christian sees with delight the efforts that are made to diffuse the gospel oflife a- mong the heathen. And shall the negroes be the only heathen P The philanthropist fondly believes that the character of man is rising, swelling, bursting its ancient limits 8:. the bonds with which despotism had sought to confine it. Shall the divine principle re- main stationary only among American slaves? Despotic power is gradually yield- ing to the influence ofpublic opinion. The old monarchs and aristocracies, where the many labour for the few, and government is adtninistered for the benefit of rulers and dot of subjects, are trembling and tottering to their fail. Witness the anxiety ofthe Holy Alliance to repress every thing that goes to promote general improvement and eleva- tion ofcharacter. But they will not be suc- cessful. they cannot succeed. There isa law ofna- tureagainst them. An impulse has been giv- en to the tninds of men, which is 'trresisti|>le. And shall the laws of nature‘be strspended only in the freest country on the globe? From the Riclrmond W hig, Jlfarch 23. The attention ofthe citizens about thernar- ket, was on Friday morning last, arrested by the appearance of a robrrst, but comely fe- male, paratling on its pavetneat, with a cow-_ skin ofirnmoderate length, in her hand, and evidently in a temper to’ apply it with a bear- ty good will to some one who had provoked her ire. On inquiry, it appeared that some two or three weeks since, she had entered irr- to an engagement to be marrie-.l to a certain dashing buck of her neighborhood, and that the preceding evening had been fixed on for the consummation of the utrptiuls. At the appointed hour the nrirrister and guests had assembled ; an elegant and ample supper had ‘been prepared,aud the lady lrerselfirnpatient- ly awaited the ruorneut which was to make her a bride ! The moment catne and passed ‘! hour after hour lingered on, and finally the evening expired-—but the bridegroom came not! At first, the neglected faironc bore her disappointment with a sort of pensive gloom, or meditative sullenness :——-this state of feel- ing, bowever, presently gave way to anger, and this soon became tempestuons and uucon-,_ trolable ! and in the morning she sallied forth to avenge her grievances. The trtrzrtrt lover, suspecting that there was 421' I’0fl_ 1'' Plcklei for him, prtrtlently kept himself in the back ground. He seemed-‘ to be (to use a sporting phrase)“ a cock that would neither show nor fight ;” and; it was" not untiliafter a long» and diligent search, that he tvasdiscovered concealed, not far from the spot wltere was exhibited the unusual--apperance we have de- scribed. The incensed fetnaie,fi)rtbwitlt,aud without retrrorse,beg-an to apply thecowskin to the shoulders of her cravan bridegroom, and this application she continued with so much pungency and perseverance that flesh and, blood could no longer bear it,but bolting forth he fled with might and main down the street, pursued by the enraged amazon, and accom- Every friend of freedom feels that’ panied by a lrttndred or two ofthe gentry and ' mobility about the market. It soon became apparent, howeV_,er, that though our heroine ranwith great speed and spirit, yet that she was deficient in that essential quality for a. cotrrser, which Jockeys term bottom. And after brushing‘ it in high style for two or three. hundred yards, and occasion_a|l_v applying tier ~-instrument with great efiiciertc‘y..to the shoul- ders oftlre fugitive beau, she tvas._' obliged to give up the chase, and thus afforded him an opportunity of securing his retreat. \t.V'hat lnay be the result of this feiine. sort-cfcou.rt,- ’- ship, we prest1.ur_c~-. not to ccu_i+'ctttre.~ a ‘ ,
Norwalk Chronicler