.-2.1.-.~.~;'-_'. .1 ..-,- ; ~ .\.....-.. “ix 1-‘-r:t‘ -. ,_.-,_, ' .-v.-‘-J-':’ ‘ ‘ r--:-'._-.;~;.,»_.\ .3}; ,.A,_::,..‘(‘_.,, ,‘_,.,-.—.u-....-..._ . -.- .. . AA—.A1.|lfi Yuv‘ . . ‘THE rasstrm ohonv or THIS Lire. D! LET the soul its slumbers break-, Amuse its senses, and awake, To see how soon Life, with its glcries, glides away, And the stern footstep of decay Comes stealingpn. How pleasure, like the passing wind, Blows by and leavesus nought behind But grief at last: How still our present happiness Seems, to the wayward fancy, less Than what is past. And while we eye the rolling tide, Dowii which our flying minutes glide Away so fast, » Let us the present hour employ, . And deem each future dream ofjoy Already past. _ Let no vain hope deceive the niind— No happier let us hope to find To-inorrow than to-day. Our golden dreams ofyore were bright; Like them the present shall delight— Like them decay. Our lives like hastening streams must be, - That iiit’o one engulphing sea. Are doomed to fall: The sea ofdeatli, whose waves roll on. O’er king and kingdom, crown and throne, And swallow all. Alike the river’s lordly tide, Alike the humble rivtilets glide To that sad wave: Death levels poverty and pride, And rich and poor sleep side by side Within the grave. -36 it re 96 it» at- Our birth is but a starting place; Life is the running of the race, And death the goal: There all our steps at last are brought, 'I‘ii.t'r‘ path alone, of all unsotiglit, Is found ofall. Say, then, lioiv poor and little worth Are all those glittering toys on earth That lure us here; Dreams ofa sleep that death must break- Alas! before it bids its wake, Ye disappear. Long ere the (lamps ofdeath can blight, The cheek’s pure glow ofred and white Halli passed away: Youth smiled, and all was heavenly fair; Age came, and laid his finger there, And where are they? \Vliei'c are the strength that moclt’d decay, ‘The step that rose so light and gay, The lieart’s blitlie tone ?— ’I‘lie strength is gone, the step is slow, And joy grows weariness and we When age comes on. MR. IVEBSTER’S SPEECH. co.\"i‘i.\'UBn. I iviil now proceed, sir, to state sortie ob- jections which I feel,ofa more general nature, to the course of Mr. Speaker’s observations. He seems to me to argue the question as if all domestic industry were confined to the production of manufactured articles; as ifthe employment ofour own capital, and our own labor, in the occupations of commerce and navigation,were not as einphatically domestic iizdustry as any other occupation. Some oth- er gentlemen, in the course ofthe debate,have spolteii of the price paid for every foreign inanufactt.ti'cd article, as so mticli given for the encouragement of foreign labor, to the prejudice of otir own. But is not every such article the product of our own labor as truly as if we had manufactured it ourselves? Our labor has earned it, and paid‘ the price for it. It is so much added to the stock of national wealth. If the commodity were dollars, no- body would doubt the truth of this rcriiark; and it is precisely as correct in its application to any other commodity as to silver. One man makes a yard of cloth at home; another raises agricultural products. and buys 3 yard of iiiipoited cloth. Both these are equally the eariiings of domestic iiidtistry, and the on- ly questions that arise in the case are two: the first is, which is the best mode, under all the circuiustances, of obtaining the article; the second is, how far this first question is proper to be decided by government, and how far it is proper to be left to individual discretion.-—- There is no foundation for the distinction which attributes to certain eiiiploynicnis the peculiar appellation of American industry; and it is, in my judgrneut, extremely unwise, to atteniptsucli discrirniuations. IVe are ask- ed what nations have ever attained eminent prosperity wi'.~hout encouraging inanufiictures? I niay_ask, what nation ever reached the like prosperity without promoting foreign trade? I regard these interests as closely conticcted, and am of opinion that it should be our aim to cause them to flourish together. I know it would be very easy to promote manufactures, , at least for a time, but probably only for a short time, if we might aetin regard to other interests, \Ve could cause a sudden transfer ofc-apital, and a violent change in the pursuits ofnieii. \Ve could exceedingly benefit some classes by these means. Brit what, then, be- comes of the interests ofothers? The power of collecting revenue by duties, and the habit of the government of collecting almost its whole reventte in that mode, will enable us, without exceeding the bounds ofiiioderation, to give great advantages to those classes of manufactures which we may think tnost use- ful to promote at home. \Vhat I object to is the irumoderate use of the power—exclusions and prohibitions ; all of which, as I think, not only interrupt the pursuits ofiiidividuals, with great injury to themselves, and little or no benefit to the country, but also often divert our own labor, or, as it may very properly be called, our own domestic industry, from those occupations in which it is well employed and well paid, to others, in which it will be wors. employed, and worse paid. For my part, I see very little reliefto those who are likely to be deprived oftlieir eniploynients,or who find the prices of the commodities which they need, raised, in any of the alternatives which tWIr.Spe;ikcr has presented. Itis nothing to say that they may, iftliey choose, continue to btiy the foreigii article; the answer is, the price is augiiientcd; nor that they may use the domestic article ; the price of that is also increased. Nor can they supply themselves "by the substitution oft'rieir own fabric. How can the agricuhurist make his own iron? How can the ship owner grow his oivri hemp ? . l3utIliaveayetstrongerobjectiontothecourse of Mr. Speaker’s reasoning; which is, that he » leaves out ofthe case all that has been already done for the protection of manufactures, and argues the question as if those interests were now, for the firsttime, to receive aid from du- ties on imports. I ‘can hardly express the sur- prise I feel that Mr. Speaker should fall into the coiumoii modes of expression used else- where, and ask if we will give our manufac- turers no protection. Sir, look to the history of our laivs; look to the present state of our laws. Corisiderthat our whole revenue, with a trifling exception, is collected at the custom house,and always has been; and then say what propriety there is in calling on the govern- ment for protection, as if no protection had heretofore been afforded. The real question liefore us, in regard to all the important clau- ses ofthe bill, is not whether we will lay du- ties, but whether we will augment dtities. The demand is for something more than exists, and yet it is pressed as if nothing existed. It is wholly forgotten that iron and hemp, for example, already pay a very heavy and bur- tliensome duty; and, in sliort,from the general tenor of.VIr.Speaker’s ohservations,one would infer that, hitherto, we had rather taxed our otvn inauufactures than fostered them by tax- es on those of other countries. We hear of the fatal policy of the tariffof 1816 ; and yet the law of 1816 was passed avowedly for the benefitofmanufiicturers, and, with very few exceptions, imposed on imported articles very great additions oftax ; in some important in- stances, indeed, amounting to a prohibition. Sir, on this subject it becomes its at least to tiiiderstaiid the real posture of the question. Let us not stippose that we are beginning the protection of manufactures, by duties on im- ports. What we are asked to do is, to render those duties much higher, and therefore, in- stead of dealing in general coinmendations of the benefits of protection, the friends of the bill.I think, are bound to make out a fair case for each of the niannfactures which they pro- pose to benefit. The government has already done much for their protection, and it ought to be presumed to have dotie enough, unless it be shewn, by the facts and considerations applicable to each, that there is a necessity for doing more. On the general question, sir, allow me to ask ifthe doctrine of prohibition, as a gener- al doctrine, be not preposterous? Suppose all nations to act upon it; they would be pros- perous, then, according to the argument, pre- cisely iii the proportion in which they abolisli- ed intercourse with one another. The less of mutual commerce the better, tipoii this liypo- thesis. Protection and encouragement may be, and are, doubtless, sometimes, wise and beneficial, if kept within proper limits; but when carried to an extravagant height, or the point of prohibition, the absurd character of the system manifests itself. Mr. Speaker has referred to the late Emperor Napoleon, as having attempted to naturalize the manufac- ttiie of cotton in France. lie did not cite a more extravagant part ofthe projects of that ruler, that is, his attempt to naturalize the growth oftliat plant itselfin France; where- as, we have understood that considerable dis- tricts iii the south of France, and in Itally, of rich and productive latids, were at onetime witlidrawii from profitable uses, and devoted to raising, at great expense, a little had cut- ton. Nor have we been referred to the at- tempts, under the same system, to make sti- gar and coffee from coninion culinary vegeta- bles; attempts which served to fill the print shops of Europe, and tosliew us how easy is the transition from what some think sublime, to that which all admit to be rediculous. The folly of some of these projects has not been surpassed, nor hardly equalled, unless it be by the. philosopher in one ofthe satires of Swift, who so long labored to extract sunbeains from cucuiiibers.’-"' The poverty and unhappiness of Spain have been attributed to the want ofprotection to her own industry. If by this it he meant that the poverty ofSpaiu is owing to bad gov- ernment aiid bad laws, the reinarlt is, in a great measure,just. But these very laws are bad because they are restrictive, partial, and proliibitory. If prohibition were protection, Spain would seeuito have had enough of it. Nothing can exceed the barbarous rigidity of her colonial system, or the folly of her early commercial regulations. Unenlightened and bigoted legislation, the multitude ofholidays, miserable roads, monopolies on the part of government, restrictive laws, that ought long since to have been abrogated, are generally, and I believe trtiiy reckoned the principal causes of the bad state of the productive iri- dustry of Spain. Any partial improvement in her condition, or increase of her prosperity has been, in all cases, the result ofrclaxatiou, and the abolition of ivhat was intended for fa- vor and protection. In short, sir, the general sense of this age sets, with a strong current, in favor offreedoin ofeonimercial intercourse, and unrestrained individual action. Men yield up their notions of monopoly and restriction, as they yield tip other prejudices, slowly and reluctantly; but they cannot withstand the general tide of o- pinion. Let ine now ask, sir, what relief this bill proposes to some of those great and essential interests of the country,the condition of which has been referred to as a proof of national distress; and which condition, although I do not think it makes outa case ofdistress, yet does indicate depression. And first, sir, as to otir foreign trade. Mr. Speaker has stated that there has been a con- siderable falling off in the tonnage employed in that trade. This is true, lanieiitably true. In my opinion, it is one ofthose occurrences which ought to arrest our inirnediate,our deep, our most earnest attention. ‘Vital does this bill propose for its relief? Sir, it proposes nothing but new burdens. It proposes to di- minish its employment, and it proposes, at '3‘ “ The first man I saw was of a meagre aspect, with sooty hands and face. His hair and heard long, ragged, and singed in several places. His clothes, shirt, and skin were all of the samecolor. He had been eiglit years upon a project for extracting sun-beams out ofcucumbers, which were to be put into plii- als hermetically sealed, and let out to warm the air, in raw and inclement summers. He tohl me, he did not dotibt, in eight years more, he should be able to supply the Governor’s garden with suusliine, at a reasonable rate ;- but he complained that his stock was low,aiid entreated me to give him something as an en- couragement to iiigeizuity, especially as this liacl been a dear season for cucumbers.” 'tlie same time, to augment its expense, by subjecting it to heavier taxation. Sir, there is noiiiterest, in regard to which a stronger case for protection can be made out, than the navigating interest. Whether we look at its present condition, which is admitted to be de- pressed; the number of persons connected with it, and dependent upon it for their daily bread ; or its iiiiportatice to the country. in a political point ofview, it has claims upon our attention which cannot be exceeded. But what do we propose to do for it? I repeat, sir, simply to burden and to tax it. By a statement which I have already submitted to the Committee, it appears that the shipping interest pays annually, more than lialfa mil lion ofdollars in duties on articles used in the construction of ships. “'0 propose to add nearly, or quite, fifty per cent. to this amount, at tlie_very moment that we bring forth the languishing state ofthis interest, as a proof of national distress. Let it be remembered that our shipping employed in foreign commerce, has, at this moment, not the shadow of gov- ernment protection. It goes abroad upon the wide sea to make its own way, and cam its own bread, in a professed competition with the whole world. Its resources are its own frugality, its own skill, its own enterprise. It hopes to succeed, if it shall succeed at all, not by extraordinary aid of goverunient, but by patience, vigilance, and toil. This right arm of the nation’s safety strengthens its own muscle by its oivn efforts, and by unwearied exertion in its own defence becomes strong for the defence ofthe country. No one acquainted with tliisinterest,can deny that its situation at this moment, is extremely critical. lVe have left it hitherto to iiiaiiitaiii itself or perish; to swim ifit can, and to sink ifit cannot. But at this moment of its appa- rent struggle, can we, as men, can we, as pat- riots, add another stone to the weight that threatens to carry it down? Sit‘. ‘here }5 3 limit to human power, and to human efiort. I know the commercial marine of this coun- try can do almost every thing, and bear_al- iiiost every thing. Yet some things are irn- possible to be done; and some burthens may be impossible to be borne ; and as it was the last ounce that broke the back of the camel, so the last tax, although it were even a Small one, may be decisive as to the power of our niarine, to sustain the conflict in wliicli _it IS now engaged,with all the comrnert-ial nations on the globe. Again, Mr. Chairman, the failures and the bankruptcies which have taken place in our large cities, have been mentioned as proving the little success attending coiiiirierce, and its general decline. But this bill has no balm for those wounds. It is very remarkable,tliat when losses and disasters of certain manufac- turers, those of iron, for instance, are men- tioned, it is done forthe purpose of invoking aid for the distressed. Not so will! the IOSSCS and disasters of coiiiriierce ; these last are narrated, and not unfrequently mticli exag- gerated, to prove the ruinous nature of the eniployinent, and to show tliatit ought to be aliaiidoned, and the capital engaged in it tur- ned to other objects. It has been often said, sir, that our manu- factures have to contend, not only againstthe natural advantages ofthose who produce stin- ilar articles in foreign countries. bl“ 3'50 5*’ gainst the action of foreign gover_nnients, who have great political interestiu aiding theirown inaiiufactures to suppress ours. But have not these governnients as great an interest to crip- ple our marine, by preventing the growth of otir commerce and navigation ? \Vhat is it that makes us the object ofthe highest respect, or the most stispicious jealousy, to foreign states? What is it that most enables us to take high relative rank atnoiig the nations ?— I need not say that this restilts, more than lrom any thing else, from that quantity of military power which we can cause to be water borne, and of that extent of commerce, which We are able to maintain tlirotiglioiit the world, Mr. Cliairuian, I am conscious of having detained the conimittee much too long with these observations. My apology for now pro- ceeding to some remarks upon the particular clauses ofthe bill, is, that, representing a dis- trict, at once commercial anti highly nianu- facturing, and being called upon to vote upon a Bill, con:-iiiiing provisions so numerous,and so various, I am naturally desirous to state as well whatl approve, as wliatl would reject. The first section proposes an atigiiiented duty tipori woollen manufactures. This, ifit were tinqiialified, would no doubt be (lesll a- ble to those who are engaged in that business. I have iiiyselfprescntcd a petition from the woollen manufacturersofMassuchusetts,pray- ing an augmented ad valorein duty upon irri- ported woollen cloths; and I am prepared to accede to that proposition, to a reasonable ex- tent. But then this Bill proposes, also, a very high duty upon imported wool ; and, as far as Ican learn, a majority of the manufacturers are at least extremely doubtful whether, tak- ing these two provisions together, the state of the law is not better for theiu now, than it would be if this bill should pass. It is said, this tax on raw wool will betiefit the agricul- tiirist ; but I know it to be the opinion of some of the best informed oftliat class, that it will do them iriore hurt than good. They fear it will check the manufacturer, and cori- sequently check his demand for their article. The argument is, that a certain quantity of coarse wool, cheaper than we can possibly furnish, is necessary to enable the manufac- turer to carry on the general business, and that if this cannot be had, the consequence will be, not a greater, but a less, manufacture ofour own wool. I am aware that very intelligent persons differ upon this point: btit, if we may safely infer frotn that difference of opinion, that the proposed benefit is at least doubtful, it would be prudent perhaps to abstain from the experiineut. Certain it is, that the same course ofreasoning has occurred, as [have before stated, on the same subject, when a re- iiewed application was made to the English Parliament to repeal the duty on imported wool,I believe scarcely two months ago ;-—- tliose who support the application, pressing urgently the necessity of an unrestricted use ofthe cheap, imported raw material, with a view to supply, with coarse cloths, the mark- ets of warm climates, such as those ofEgypt and Turkey, and especially a vast new creat- ed demand iii the South American states. As to the manufactures of cotton, it is a- greed, I believe, that they are generally suc- cessful. It is understood that the present ex- isting duty operates pretty much as a proliibi- tioti over tltose descriptions offabricsto which it applies. The proposed alteration would to commehce competilion with liiglier priced fabrics; and so would, perhaps, an augmenta- tion less than is here proposed. I consider the cotton manufactures not only to have reaclted, but to have passed, the point ofcom- petition. I regard their success as certain, and their growth as rapid as the uiost impa- tient could well expect. If, however, a pro- vision of the nature of that rccommentled here, were thought necessary to commence new operations in the same line of manufac- ture, I should cheerfully agree to it, ifit were not at the costofsacrificing other great inter- ests ofthe country. I need hardly say, that whatever promotes the cotton and woollen inant.ifactures, promotes most important inter- ests ofiiiy constituents. They have a great stake in the success of those establishments, and as far as those maritifactures are concern- ed, would be as much beiiefitted by the pro- visions ofthis bill, as any part of the coininu- nity. It is obvious too, I should think, that, this sort, to whatever magnitude they may rise, will be established in those parts of the country where the population is most dense, capital most abundant, and where the most successful beginningsliave been already made. But iftliese be thought to be advantages, they are greatly counterbalanced by other ad- vantages enjoyed by other portions of the country. I cannot but regard the situation of the “fest, as highly favourable to human happiness. It offers, in the abundance ofits new and fertilelands. such assurances ofper- rnaiierit property and respectability to the in- dustrious, it enables them to lay such sure foundations for a competent provision for their families, it makes such a nation of free- holders, that it need not envy the happiest and most prosperous of the manufacturing com- munities. We may talk as we will of well fed, and well clothed day laborers orjouriieynien; they are not, after all, to be compared, either for happiness, or respectability, with him who sleeps under his own roof, and cultivates his oivn fee simple inheritance. With respect to the proposed duty on Glass, I would observe, that, upon the best means of judging wbicli I possess, I am ofopiiiion, that the Cliairtnan ofthe Committee is right, in stating, that there is, in effect, a bounty upon the exportation ofthe British article. I think it entirely proper, therefore, to raise our own duty by stich an amount as shall be equiva- lent to that bounty. And, here Mr. Chairman, before proceed- ing to those parts ofthe Bill to which I most strenuously object, I will be so prestiinptuous, as to take up a challenge which Mr. Speaker has thrown down. He has asked tis, in a tone of interrogatory indicative ofthe feeling ofanticipated tritinipli, to iiietitioii any couri- try in whicli inaiinfactures have flourished, without the aid ofproliibitory laws. He has demanded, ifit be not policy, protection, aye, and prohibition, that have carried either states to theheiglit oftlieir prosperity, and whether any one has succeeded with such tame and inert legislation as ours. Sir, lain ready to answer this inquiry. There is a country, not undistinguislied a- mong the natioiis,in whiclitlie progress ofinan- ufactures has been far more rapidthan in any other, and yet unaided by prohibitions or un- natural restrictions. That country, theliap- piest which the stiii shines on, is our own. The woollen inantifacturesofEngland have existed from the early ages ofthe monarchy. Provisions, designed to aid and foster them, are in the blacklettered statutes ofthe Edwards and the Henrys. Ours, on the contrary, are out of yesterday ; and yet, with no more tbaii the protection of existing laws, they are al- ready at the point ofclose and promising coin- petition. Sir, nothing is more unpliilosopli- ical than to refer us, on these subjects, to the policy adopted by other nations in a very dif- ferent state of society, or to infer that what was judged expedient by them, in their early history, iiitist also be expedient for us, in this early part ofour own. This would be reck- oning our age chronologically, and estimating otir advance by our number of years; when, in truth, we should regard only the state of society, the knowledge, the skill, the capital, the enterprise, which belong to our times.- We have been transferred from the stock of Europe, in a coniparatively enlightened age, and our civilization and improvement date back as early as her own. Her original his- tory is, also, otir original history; and if, since the moment of separation, she has gone ahead of us, in some respects, it may be said,witliout violating truth, that we have kept up in oth- ers, and, in others again, are ahead otirsclves. VVe are to legislate then, with regard to the present actual state ofsoeiety ; and our own experience shows tis that, commencing man- ufactures at the present highly enlightened and eintilous nionient, we need not imitate the clumsy helps, with which, in less auspi- cious times, governments have sought to ena- ble the ingenuity aiid industry oftlieir people to liobble aloiw. The English cotton inantifactiires began a- bout the comniencenient ofthe last reign.—— Ours can hardly be said to have commenced, with any earnestness, until the application of the power loom, in 1816, not more than eight years ago. Now, sir, I hardly need again to speak ofits progress, its present extent, or its assurance of future enlargement. In some sorts of fabrics we are already exporters, and the products ofour niaiiufactories are, at this moment, in the South American niarkets.— We see, then, what can be done witliotit pro- hibition or extraordinary protection, because we see what has been done; and I venttire to predict that, in a few years, it will be thought wonderful that these branches of manufac- tures, at least, should have been thought to require additional aid from_goverument. Mt. Chairman: The best apology for laws ofprohibition and laws of monopoly, will be found in that state of society, not only mien- lightened, but sluggisli, in which they are most generally established. Private industry, in those days, required strong provocatives, which governments were seeking to adminis- ter by these means. Something was wanted to actuate and stiriiiilate men, and the pros- pects of such profits as would, in otir times, excite unbounded competition, would hardly move the sloth of former ages. In some in- stances, no doubt, these laws produced an ef- fect, which, in that period, would not have ta- ken plaee without them. But our age is whol- ly ofa different character, and its legislation takes another turn. Society is full of excite- nient; competition comes in place ofmoiiop- oly; and intelligence and industry ask only for fair play and an open field. Profits, in- propably enable the Auierican manufacturer for some considerable time, nianufactiires of buttliey will be extensively diffused ; pi'ic't=‘.s will below, and the great body of the people prosperous and happy. It is worthy of re- mark, that from the operation ofthese causes, commercial wealth, while it is increased be- yond calculation in its general aggregate, is, at the same time. broken and diminished in its subdivisions. Corrimercial prosperity should bejudged of, tlierefore, rather from the ex- tent oftrade, than from the magnitude ofits Spain, certainly one of the poorest nations, made very great profits on the amount of her trade; but with little other benefit than the enriching ofa few individuals and companies. The profits to the English merchants engaged Olly Very great, and there were richer iner- eliaiits in Eiiglaiid some centuries ago, con- sidering the comparative value ofinoney,than at the present highly coinmercial period'.—- Wlien the diminution of profits arises from the extent of competition, it indicates rather it salutary than an injurious change.* ,* “ The present equable difiiision ofrnod- erate wealth cannot be better illustrated, than by remarking that in this age many palaces and superb mansions have been pulled down, or converted to other purposes, while none have been erected on a lilte scale. The num. berless baroriial castles and mansions, in all parts ofEnglaud, now in ruins, may all be adduced as examples ofthe decrease ofinor.. dinate wealth. On the other hand, the mul- tiplication ofcomiiiodioiis dwellings, for the upper and middle classes of society, and the increased comforts ofall ranks, exiliibita pic- ture ofiudividual happiness, tiiiknown in any other age.”——Sir G. Bla.ne’s Letter to Lord Spe'ncer,in 1800. (Conclusion in our next.) INSURANCE.—We readily insert the following conimunication; for the subject is one which ought to be urged on the consider- ation ofthe community, until people are iin- pressed with its importance. No reasoning however, on this subject, seems to bé very ef- fectual. Men need the overpowering argu- tiieiit of a destructive fire, to rouse them to a sense of the duty they owe themselves and the ptiblic.—JlIass. Yeoman. However unnecessary it may appear to the public generally to procure insurance on coni- bustihle property, such as dwelling-houses, stores, and manufacturing establislnrietits.with their contents, yet a reflecting man will at once see enough of its utility to hazard the risk no longer than to enable him to procure ii policy ofiustiraiice. It is not only a privi- lege which we may accept, but it is a duty we owe to otmielves, to posterity,and to the com- iiitiiiity at large. It is a duty we owe to ourselves, because it secures us against a loss to the amount insur- ed, of the property for which we have spent years to procure. An insurance office is in one sense a treasury vault to throw our prop- erty into where it lies perfectly sale-which enables us to go on without anxiety, to make additions. It is a duty we owe to posterity, because those who coirie after us are in a ineastire de- pendent on our exertions for their support.—- A man that has labored hard for a living, and by his industry has been able to erect a stnall tenement that will cover his own head and that ofliis family, looks forward with hopeful expectations to the time when he shall have something more to make them comfortable than a bare roof; but by accident his house takes fire and is consumed; his family is tur- ned out of doors, and his all is lost; when if he had procured an insurance, which would not have cost him more than one or two day’s labor, the whole cash would have been ready for his house which is in ashes. It is by no means an uiicomtiioii case to hear of nianu-. facturing companies being ruined by the de- vastatioiis made by the devouring element.——- In establisliuients of this kind, men, in hopes of gain, are many times induced to trust their all; and, many times for the want ofan insu- rance, with the sinoke ascends their all. Then they resort, with the man who has lost. his small teiierrient, (for they are alike enti- tled,) to the generosity ofthe public and spend one hundred time as niticli in collecting sub- scriptions to makeup their loss (and perhaps do not get it made tip) as it would have cost to buy a policy of insnrance—iii which case their loss would have been made up without the trou'ole of begging; and in this view it is also our duty to the community to insure otir properly. Many may say to themselves, “ My build- ings have never been burnt, and money is scarce and hard to be got——I will risk it.” Be- cause your house lias never been burnt, it is no certainty that it will not be; and because money is hard to be got, is the very reason why you should persuade yourself to obtaiti a policy; for from 1-2’. to l per cent. on the a- mount will buy a policy, and a policy will buya new house—-when a burnt house will be good for nothing. The Hohenlohe Jl]iraclc.—A pamphlet of nearly fifty pages has just been issued at W'asbington, detailing the evidence upon ivliicli the recent extraordinary, instantane- ous, and some say iiiiractilotis, cure of Mrs. Ann Mattingly, is founded. It contains af- fidavits and certificates, taken before J. Mar- shall, ChiefJusIioe ofthe U. States, of sortie of the most respectable citizens of VVashing- ton, Protestants, Catholics, physicians, and all, in proofofthe fact. The editor of the- Boston Gazette, a lawyer,says the depositions are entitled to serious consideration, and, measuring them by the rules of evidence, would be admissible in any court ofjustice to establish the fact. This affair, which is ei- ther a very serious one, or a very foolish one, has defeated the re-election of the mayor, brother to Mrs. Mattingly, at whose house the ctire took place.-— Vrrlrni Gazette. Tooth .r9CfI¢.—The following prescription is recommended as a “ sovereign remedy” for this afflicting disorder. ‘We give it to our readers as quacks do their medicines, “no cure, no pay.” ‘ To a table spoonful ofany kind ofspirits, add the same quantity ofsharp vinegar and a tea spoonful of comuion salt ; mix them well together, anti hold theliquid in the mouth so that it can enter the cavity ofthe tooth. It will give ahiiost instantaneous re-= lief.”——.N'. Y. Spec. .Newspapers.—Tliere are only 9.78 newspa- pers published in the United kingdoms of deed, in such a state of things, will be small, England, Scotland and Ireland. apparent profits. It has been remarked that?- in the Levant and Turkey trade, were form-‘f
Norwalk Chronicler