'. war of Ainericaii ,
’:._.dent ofthe United States had been pleased t0
"direct, that the new for
* a national salute
.»De_partinent, -comme
L
‘~_ .
From the .Ncw- York Statesman. .
F931‘ LA Fxim'r're.—-Piii‘suant to orders
received from Major Gen. I_3'r0\Vfli_5lf1“"z‘3_l jlhacj
in commemoration ofthe highly (ll5lll1gll15 15
services «if/Major General La Fay€ll8ai)"_lh_°
Illl.l(’.pell(lB|'lC3i the "35"
tress: of tlle'fil‘St class,
York, should becalled ant <no_n .y_ _ .
of Fort La Fayette: and that in l10I‘-‘Wig the
hational flag, and in compliment to the same,
‘ .be.fired, this interes,tI}ngkCe_T-
l. ce esterday at one o c cc 1 ”'
fllgolllglidggrllepofzihgire one hundred gentlemen
. . — - - lb .
from this city and Long I_5l‘““l* wh°.h'“, fell,‘
politely invited to attend by C“Pl- (’l““° ” ’
. ' d‘n officer. ’ '
‘h?1‘<l]06'“l[)r;I"l; lll‘fg)l‘l1 New-York enibarked 00
board the Revenue Cutter, Capt. C-.ilioone,_
’ .' I I ( I
11 o’clock, and ariived in sleasfin tp taalqe.0'itmled
View of the Fort’ ‘befme ‘ 1e't'0u oflfliis sea-
for the ceremony. The pics: iC_>I1s"id to be in
girt and noble f0me-55: W “Ll ‘.5 .‘ -
all respects the firstin the U'“.“’d States’ '5
within about one hundred yal'(‘lS'0l£;‘lll6 II£.0ll“:’~
. . -' t 1-
Island shore, and lledlll’ ‘’PP°5‘_fi’_ ‘, 0'. .g'§’,s_
mond on Staten Island, fi'°"‘ “ ‘*1’ "IL,
. - ‘ ' , was
tant about three (]ll_d.l‘lell'S of eE_naineer
planned by Gen S“‘m* ‘lte 0 , , °- ’
need some years since,
. . ' 480 000.
and just coinpleted,at aii_€Xl’°“5e_°f_5 . d
The base of the Fort is an artrficial is an ,
com osed entirely Ofsl-one: Plamed f“"“lJ’ UP‘
1 preef where me water is about three fatli-
on ain dd th On this foundation,'wliicli will
fgfsages Ejrnsisnd the violence ofthe winds
and waves, '1 bulwark" of granite 1S erected a-
( . _ d
bout tivo hundred and eighty leet'Is‘q‘l::ge;_a8cI:3s
mm)’ fe‘.“h'gh. {film me vlvateli incl at differ-
of the fortress command He 0 "dl r it iin assi-
“nl P°l“‘~"! and aplmremly r.€'[I‘l:i'e arellliree
ble to ships from the ocean. 3 rl d ‘
tiers ofembrasui'es, calculated for oueTilun r,6<
guns, and about five hundred men. ie guns
in the lower tier are alrefitly mollmedtcom
sistinir oftliirty-two’s. Within the massive
wallsbare commodious quarterfl, a_ ’“3§'.~“Z“‘:s
and mhe, app“,-renances, which are boiln -
roof as also tivo fui'naccs,for heating s i_ot,
End féur large cisterns for furnisliing supplies
of fresh wa,e,._ The piirapet has a teiiiporai‘y
or
tl e wear ier. 0 _ ‘
gfqesrrifigsofhelre is a fine for conducting ofi the
mjoke of the guns. In short, ivhetlicr we con-
sider the plan or the execution of this fortress,
. . . - -- l'ind
. (s‘ed b any work of the \
It IS not burr“ 3 y The only channel
within our _kiiowle(l.‘-I.C- _ _ . .
navjo-able (0,. large ,-hips is Wl.lllll‘l' pistol _ shot
of lh?Sf()rll]ldill)l8 battery, wliicli in conjunc-
tion with the forts on the other shore, and a
few addmonnl works in the _vicinity on Long
Island, already’ projected, will coinpletely so.
cure the harbor 0fNew-Y oi-it against the most
powerful fleet that eyer sailed the.ocean.'
object of so much importance is ceit.ii_u)
worth the expense, great as it necessarily is.
Between one and two 0’Cl0Ck: the °°"P5 Or
the United States’troops, under the command
of Capt. Churchilhparaded and went through
with :1 variety of exercises and eyolutions in
a handsome style. At the close of the parade,
orders from the commanding ofiicer were read
“afing in substance that the object of the ap-
proaching cercniony was to perpetuate‘ the
remembrance of-a man the most dear of an)’
foreigner to this. country, celebrated alike for
his talents, 00“"i‘gea_ llldl‘-'Pe“dem prlllcjglles’
philanthropy, and .inod6§l)’ 3 “ll”! regaf 855.
of danwer, and sacrificing ,the pleasiiies of
outh, he left the land ofhis nativity and Came
to the reliefof our fathers at the most §l"°m}’
period ofthe revolution, fighjing. the battles
of freedom by the side of_ Vt asliipgton, and
bearing a conspicuous part in the acnieveiiieiit
ofonr independence. The address concluded
with a spirited appeal to the coi’P5a eXl”'955“'g
a confidence that, should a recurrence ofwar
require their sei'vices‘atll1l9l"’-‘li ll"? remllec‘
tion of such a name, and the reiiieinbraiice of
Plattsburgli, (where most of these troops had
fought during the late war,) would warrant the
expectation of a gallant defence. _
The star-spangled banner Vt astheii hoisted.
a national salute fired by :1 b'r1lt'<1l|0" from Col‘
onel Benedict’s regiment, under the command
of Captain Gaiitz, and a round of nine cheers
from the spectators echoed to the name of La
Fayette. At the time the ceremony took place,
the wind was high from the south, and the
waves rolling in from the sea, dashed with vi-
ojence againsr the irnpregnable fortress, which,
added to the roar of artillery, and the cheers
ofthe party, presented an interesting sceiie.
At two o’clock the company were invited to
walk to the upper story ofthe Fort, where a
table was found neatly spread, and ‘loaded
with a plentiful" collation. Gen. Swift took
one end‘ of the table and Captain Churchill
the other, calling their respective orces to
their posts. “fit and wine circulated freely,
and every guest appeared to be gratified witli
the ease, good‘ feeling and conviviality which
reigned at the festive b"oard.
At 4 o"clock the party from New-York re-
embarked, when salutes were fired and return-
ed, until the Fort was out of siclit. A nation-
al salute was also fired at th-e lf-attery, in lion-
ourof this event, by order of Maj. Gen. Mor-
mm In giving 3 pa.-agraph on the proceed.
ings of yesterday, Mr. Lang, the veteran edi-
tor of the Gazette, calls to mind his revolu-
tionary recollections, and in a very handsome
manner remarks, ‘we notice this event with
some feeling, on account of our having ac-
companied La Fayette at the head of his ar-
my during the revolutionary war, whose per-
son and fine countenance iii. hisyounger days
, re strongly impressed upon our minds.’
PENSACOLA, March 8.
It has been. determined, by the War De-
amnent, to open a Military Road from this
lace to the Barrancas, the nearest practica-
le route, bridging the bayoris, &.c. The
uarter-master for this station has received
nstructipns to furnish the necessary facilities,
nd it is presumable the work will be coin-
ienced immediately. This road, in a milita-
.y point of vieiv, is all important, and, in oth-
er ‘respects,will be very beneficial to this place
and neighborhood. At present, the overland
‘mite to Barrancas is fifteen miles, over a very
‘sad road ;_ and the proposed highway will re-
luce the distance to less than six miles. The
roops will be enabled to iiiai~cli to the fort,
om their new cantoninent, in forty minutes;
hereas, as the road now is, it would be diffi-
Jlt to march it less than six hours.
Two ,keel-boats~,with 100 men, left St.Louis
2th uh. for the Yellow StOne,l|‘.;,q|lG$t of furs-
FOREIGN. , _ , _-_:
E1:tract.frbm the Speech of Viscount dc Cha-
" Ieaubriand, .M_im'slerfor_ Foreign fljfairs, in
tlie Chamber of Deputies, Feb. 925, 189.3.
In following i-n»tlicir objections the o'ra.t‘ors
who sit on‘the opposition benches, Isliall ex-
amine, lst, .-the right offnterveiition, since it
is the basis ofall their reasoning: ; Qndly, the
right ofspeakiiig of institutions which may be
useful to_Spain‘; Sdly, the rightof alliances,
and the transactions at ‘Verona; 4thly and
lastly, some other objections. _
lst. Let us examine the right of interven-
tion. Has one government- the right ofiiiter-
fering in the interiial affairs ofanotlier gov-
ernment ? This grand question ofthe rights of
nations has been resolved in opposite senses.
All who adhere to the natural rights, such
as Bacon, Puffendorf, and Grotius, as wellas
all the ancients, think that it is permitted to
take up arms in the name of human society,
against a people who violate the principles on
which reposes general order,’ in the same
manner as in a private state one punishes the
disturhcrs ofpnhlic tranquility.
They who look upon the question as a civil
riglit, maintain on the contrary that it is not
lawful for one Governinent to interfere in the
affairs of another Government.
The former, therefore, place the right ofin-
tervention among the duties—thc latter, a-
inong the interests.
I adopt, Gentlemen, the principle which
emanates from civil right: I place myself a-
iiioiig the ranks ofrnodern politicians, and I
say with tlicin——that no Government has the
right to i'ntei_'/Iere in the" internal ufiaiirs of a-
-nother Govcrmnent. -
It is evident if this principlewereuot adinit—
ted, and especially by those people who enjoy
afree constitution, no n:-ition could be sure
of its internal tranquility——since otherwise it
would be sutlicieut to have a corrupt Minister
or an ambitious King to attack every State
which should endeavor to improve its condi-
tion. To the _nianif0ld causes of war which
already exist, this would add another princi-
ple of liostility—a principle of whicheach
man in power would be the judge, inasmiicli
as he would have the right to say to his iieigli-
bors, ‘Your institutions are disagreeable to me;
change tlieiii,orI will declare war againstyou.’
I hope that my Honorable Opponents will
admit tliatI explain Inyself with frankness.
But as [present myself to this tribune to sup-
port the justice of our intervention with the
affairs of Spain, it may be said, how shall I
extricate myself from the positions wliichl
niyself have so strongly maintained ? Gentle-
ineu, you will see.
When modern politicians rejected the right
of intervention by departing from natural to
appeal to civil rights, they found themselves
much eiiibarrassed. Cases occurred in which
it was found impossible to abstain from inter-
fering without involviiigtlie state in danger.
At the comnienceinent ofthe revolution it was
said-—‘ Perish the Colonies rather than a prin-
ciple’--the colonies perished. Is it now to be
said—‘ Perish social order rather than one of
our principles.’ In order not to trespass_a-
gaiiist the very rule which those political rea-
soncrs had establislied, recourse was had to
an exceptloii, by means of which they return-
ed tolthe natural right; and it was now said—-
‘ No Government had a right to interfere in
the internal regulations of another Govern-
ment, except in cases where its own iininedi-
ate saftety or its essential interests are com-
proniised.’ Isliall soon quote the authority
from which I borrow these words.
The exception, Gentlemen, does not seem
to me more controvertible than the rule ; no
state can stiffer its essential interests to perish
without danger of perisliing itself as -.1 state.
When we reach this part ofthe question, the
whole changes its appearance; we are trans-
ported to another ground ; and I am no longer
bound to combat Victoriously the rule, but to
prove that the case of exception has occurred
as far as France is noiv concerned.
Before I adiluce the motives which justify
our intervention in the affairs of Spain, I am
bound first to strengthen myself by the author-
ity of some examples.
Ishall often in the course of -my speech,
have occasion to spcak ofEiigland, since my
Hon. Adversaries every moment oppose its
conduct to ours as well in their unpi'eineditat-
ed as in their written speeches and printed
discourses. ‘ It was Great. Britain alone which
at Verona defended priiiciples——it is she alone
who now opposes the right ofintervention—
she alone is prepared to take up arms for the
cause ofa free people—slie alone opposes an
impious war which attacks the rights ofiia~
tions——a war which alittle bigotted aml ser-
vile faction wishes to undertake, in order to
succeed at length in burning the French char-
ter, after having mm to pieces the Constitu-
tion of Spain.’ Is not this correct Gentlemen?
We shall return to these points. Let us first
speak of the intervention.
I fear that my hon. adversaries have made
a bad selection of authorities. England, they
say, gives us a great example in protecting
the independence of nations.
England, on commencing the war with
Fl'al1Ce,—plll)llSll6Cl, in October, 1793, the cele-
brated Declaration of Whitehall. Periiiitiiie
Gentleinen, to read a passage of it for you.
The Declaration commences by reciting the
misfortunes of the Revolution, and then it
adds—— ‘ V.
‘ The views which had been professed of re-
forming the abuses of the Government of
Fr:-ince, of establisliing personal liberty and
the rights of property on a solid foundation,
of securing to an extensive and populous
country the benefit of a wise legislation, and
an equitable and mild administration of its
laws: all these salutary views have unfortu-
nately vanished. In their place has succeed-
ed a system destructive of all public order,
maintained by proscriptions, exiles, and con-
fiscations without number; by arbitrary ini-
prisonment ; by massacres, which cannoteven
he remembered without horror. * *
The inhabitants of that unfortunate country,
so long flattered by the promises of happiness,
renewed at the period of every fresh crime,
have found‘ themselves plunged into an abyss
ofunexanipled calamities. * * *
‘ This state of things cannot exist in France
without involving all the surrounding Powers
in. one common danger, without giving them
the right, ' ivitlioiit imposing it upon them as a
duty to stop the progress of an evil which ex-
ists only by the successive violation of all law
and all property, and which attacks the fun-
damental principles by which mankind are
united in the bonds of civil society. His Ma-
jesty by no means disputes the rights ofFrance
to reform its laws. It never could have been
his w‘is_l_i to emplpytlie, inl‘luen_ce of external
force with respect- totlie particular forms of
Government to” beestablished.-in an.indepen-
dent «country. iNeitlicjr. _lias"he now that wish,‘
except‘. in s'o‘far as such interference is be-.
come essential to the_ securityand repose of
other Powers. Undertliese 'circi_im’stance3,.
he deiiiandsfroin France‘, and he 'demands'
with justice, the termination of "a system of
anarchy, which has-no force but for the pur-
poses of mischief, unable to discharge the
primary duty of all Governments, to repress
the disorders, or to punish the crimes which
are daily increasing in the interib_r of the
country, but disposing arbitrarily of the pro-
-perty and blood of the inhabitants ofFrance,
inorder to disturb the tranquility of other na-
tions, and to render all Europe the theatre of
the same crimes and the same misfortunes.
The King demands tliatsome legitimate and
stable Government should be established,
founded on the acknowledged principles of
universaljustice, and capable of maintaining
with other Powers the accustomed relations of
union and of peace. *_ * *
‘ The king promises, on his part, the sus-
pension of hostilities, friendship, and (as far.
as the course of events will allow, of which
the will of man cannot dispose,) security and
protection to all those who, by declaring for a
inonarchical Government, shall shake olfthe
yoke ofa sanguinary anarcliy ; of that anar-
chy wliicli has broken all the most sacred
bonds ofsociety, dissolved all the relations of
civil life, violated every right, confounded ev-
ery duty ; which uses the name of liberty to.
exercise the most cruel tyranny, to annihilate
all property, to seize on allpossessions';' ivliicli
found its power on the pretended consent of
the people, and itself carries fire and sword
througli extensive provinces, for having de-
manded their laws, their religion, and their
lawful Sovereign.’
VVell, Gentleinen, what do you think of‘
this Declaration ? Did you not think you were
hearing the.very Speech delivered by the
King on the -opening ofthe present Session,
but that Speech developed, interpreted, and
commented upon with as much force as elo-
quence ?
.It is necessary now to prove that we come
within the legal case of exception, and that
our essential interests are injured. Our essen-
tial interests are injured in the first place by
the state of suffering in which the revolution
‘keeps one part of our commerce. We are 0-
bliged to maintain vessels of war in the Amer-
ican seas,ivhicli are infested by pirates sprung
from_ the anarcliy of Spain. Many of our
merchant vessels have been plundered, and
we have not, like England, the maritime force
necessary to compel the Cortes to iiideinuify
us for our losses. ‘
Besides this, our provinces bordering upon
Spain urgently require the restoration of or-
der on the other side ofthe Pyrenees. Since
the m_onth of June, 18:20, (and that war was
not expected) an Honourable Deputy has told
this Chamber, that the Spanish revolution, in
interrupting the communications with France,
diminished by one halfthe value of the lands
in the Department of the Landes. The coni-
merce in mules alone was ofconsiderable val-
ue. The peasant 0f.R0uet'gue, of Home A-
vergne, ofHaute Limousin, of Poitoii, often
paid his landitax with the produce of the sale
of the l]]llleS",‘ and as far as Daiipliine, all
participated in this advantageous traflic. Our
corn from the south flowed also into Spain,
which paid for it in piastres, from the negoci-
ation of which there arose a new source of
profit.‘ Our cloths found a vast market in the
Spanish peninsula. The troubles which fol-
lowed the military insurrection in the Isle of
Leon considerably diminished these exchan-
ges; and a government would be culpable
which would allow a whole population to be
ruined without protecting it. It is hoped that
the civil wars will cease and leave the field 0-
pen to our commerce? Do not expect it;
nothing ends of itselfin Spain—neither pas-
sions nor virtues.
Our Consuls threatened in their persons-
oiir vessels expelled from the ports of Spain-
our territory three times violated—are not
these essential interests comproinised ?
Our essential interests are again compro-
mised by the very circuiiistance that we are
obliged to have an Army of Observation on
the frontiers of Spain. How many days,
months, years, must we keep up this army?
This state of half hostility has all the incon-
veniences without having the advantage of
peace ; it presses on our finances—it uii-
settles the public mind-—-it exposes the sol-
diers, too long unoccupied, to all the corrup-
tions of the agents of discord.
But why was the army of observation es-
tablished? \Vliy did we not leave Spain to
consume herself? Wliatneutralityl What,
if we were certainof security from the evils
which desolate our neighbours, should we see
them with indiffereiice destroy one aiiother_
without attempting to interpose a generous
hand between them? And if we were not
sure of being respected, ought we by our im-
prudence to have let the Spaniards pour
forth their quarrels in the midst of us—burn
our villages——pillage our peasantry? Would
not the violation of our territory be sufficient
to justify the establisliinent of a cordon dc
suretet? England herself has allowed the
wisdom of this measure. In an official
Note of His Grace the Duke of .W'ellington,
presented to the Congress of Verona, this
passage is found :—-«
_“ In coiisideriiigtliat a civil war is kindled
along the whole ejfilnt of the frontiers which
separate the two kingdoms, that active armies
operate on all the points of this frontier on
the side of France, and that there is not a
town or a village placed on this frontier, on
the side of France, which is not in danger of
being insulted or disturbed; no one could
disapprove of the precaution taken by His
Most Christian Majesty in forming a corps of
observation for the protection of his frontiers
and the tranquility of his people.”
A Note addressed on the lltli of January
last, to the Charge d’All'airs of His Most
Cliristiaii Majesty in London, by His Britan-
nic Majesty's Principal Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs, contains these words-—
“ The Duke ofWellington did not make any
objection on the part ofthe King, his Master,
against the measures of precaution taken by
France on her oivn l‘ .>-:.ii:.- ‘racause those
measures were evidet .- ‘ v I-.. ised by her
right of self-defence, .~ on _, against the
dangers to health, wl - ‘i lievorigin of
these measures, and =-.:-. "ti-:::i-«:2 exclusively
alleged for them until .: ~..~»z‘.-ii'=. .if Septem-
ber, but also against l.ll( ‘:~ «.-xii li might re-
sult to France from civi l“-';t‘l..-v.‘ . .. i a country-
’ l
separated from her only by “a conventional
boundary, against the moral contagion of po-
litical intrigues, and fin_ally against the viola-'
tion of the French territory, by_casual-niilita-
ry excursions.” _ . ' «
I come, Gentlemen, to the grand_que'stiou'
of th_e'Alliaiice and of the C,ongresses_.- This
Alliance was'invented’for the servitude of the
world ; the tyrants, combined together to con-
spire against the people; France at Verona
begged the assistance of Europe to destroy
liberty ; at Verona the military occupation of
Spain, nay, of trance herself, was resolved
upon; the Cossacks are hastening from their
distant haunts to execute the high willof the
Kings, who force France to engage in an
odious warfare, just as the Ancients often
forced their slaves to march to the combat !
Here, Gentlemen-, Iain obliged to make an
effort on myself, in order to maintain in-my
answer that coolness and 'that moderation
which are necessary to preserve dignityof ‘
character. .. ,
Gentlemen, I must confess the truth. I ar-
rived at the Congress with prejudices by no
means favourable to that Assembly. I remem-
ber the mistakes of Europe. Friend as Isiii-
cerely am to public liberty and to the inde-
peudence of nations, I had been in some de-
gree shaken by the calumnies which ‘we still
hear daily repeated. What was I compelled
to see at Verona? Princes full of moderation
and justice, Kings who are men of integrity,
and whom their subjects would gladly choose
for friends if they had them not for Sove-
reigns. I wrote down, Gentlemen, the. very
words which I heard from the lips of a
Prince, whose magnanimity my lionotiralile.
antagonists, at another epoch were accustom-
ed to praise, and whose favour they at that
time souglit..
‘fl am glad,” said the Emperor Alexander
to me one day, “ that you are come to Vero-
na, in order that you may bear testimony to
the truth. Can you have believed that, as
our enemies say, the Alliance is only a pre-
text which serves to cover ambitious views?
Perhaps this might have been true in the old
state of things, but in-tlie present day, when
the civilized world-_ is, in jeopardy, we cannot
stoop to consider private iuterests.—Hence-
forward there can no longer be an English or
a' French policy—a Russian, Prussian, or
Austrian policy ; there is only one general
politicalsystem, which, for the good of all,
must be admitted in cornmonby Kings and
people. It is my part to shew inyselfthe first
convinced oftliose principles on which I have
founded the Alliance. An opportunity to do-
so has presented itself——tlie Grecian insurrec-
tion. Certainly nothing could appear to be
more entirely for my own interest, orfor that
of my people, nor more agreeable to the opi-
nion of my country, than a religious war
against-Turkey, but I thoughtl saw in the
troubles of the Peloponiiesus, the revolution-
ary mask. Froiii that moment I abstained.
What efforts have not been made to break
the alliance ? Attempts have been alternately
made to inspire me with prepossessions, and
to wound my self-love. Nay, I have been
openly abused. But they knew me ill, who
thought that my principles rested on vanity,
or could yield to resentment. No, I will
never separate from the monarchs with whom
I am united. It may well be permitted that
kings should have public alliances to defend
themselves against secret societies. What is
there to tempt me ? lVhat need have I to ex-
tend my empire ? Providence has not placed
800,000 soldiers under my orders to satisfy my
ambition, but to protect religion, morality
and justice, and to support those principles of
order on wjiich reposes human society.”
Such words, gentlemen, in the mouth of
such a sovereign, well deserved to be record-
ed, and I am happy to transmit them to you,
well assured that they will excite in your
minds the same sentiments of admiration
which they have done in mine. Was it possi-
ble tliat'a prince who held such language,
could the next moment contradict it by pro-
posing to France any thing which would com-
promise her independence and her honor?
Moderation is the prevailing trait in the char-
acter of Alexander. Can you then believe
that he wishes for war at all hazards, in behalf
of I know not what divine right, and in hatred
to the liberty of nations? Gentleman, this is
a complete error. At Verona all the discus-
sions set out upon the principle ofpeace. At
Verona the allied powers never spoke ofthe
war which they might wage against Spain;
but they believe that France, situated differ-
ently from themselves, might be forced to un-
dertake such a. war. Did that persuasion pro-
duce any treaties burtlieiisome or dishonora-
ble to France? No. VVas it ever proposed
that France should give any foreign troops a
passage through her territory? Never. What
has been the result then ? The result is, that
France is one of the Five Great Powers which
compose the Alliance; that she will remain
iiiviolably attached to it ; and that in conse-
quence of that alliance, which is already of8
years standing, she will find, in cases foreseen
and determined, a support which, far from ef-
fecting her dignity, will only prove the high
rank that she occupies in Europe.
I now pass to some objections of detail.
In the Speech of the Crown there is a sen-
tence which some have blamed—-‘ Let Ferdi-
nand be free. to give his people institutioiis,
which they can only hold from him.’ This is
the same objection which was raised against
the ivord ‘octroye’ in the Charter, and it springs
from the same principle. It is denied that the
source of sovereignty is the Sovereign. We
were free to speak or not to speak of the in-
stitiitions which might be given to Spain. If
we had said nothing about them we should
have been assailed with outcries that we wish.-
ed to make war for the re-establishment of
the absolute king and the Inquisition. But
because it was just, generous and politic to
speak about institutions, did it necessarily fol-
low that we ought to recognise the sovereign-.
ty of the people proclaimed in the Spanish
constitution? Did it follow that we were bound
to submit to two principles which would over-
turn the whole frame ofsocial order, the sove-
reignty "of the people and military insurrec-
tion ? As to the sliapeless mass of the consti-
tution of the Cortes, it does not deserve the
trouble ofan examination. v
France, then, might well desire for Spain
in 1823, as England desired for France in
1793, institutions more fit to render her happy
and flourishing. But it is said France for five
years recognised this Constitution ofthe Cor-
tes, and why not continue to recognise it now ?
Several great Powers had Ambassadors at
Paris from 1789 till 1793; they saw with a-
larm the commencement of our Revolution ;
but they hoped that sjooner-or later reasonable
men wouldbe listened to. \Vhen their hopes-
were deceived—-when they found their essen-
tial interests compromised by; the _.growing
revolutio'n--it became necessary"-for them to
withdraw, and to seek in thecliances of wara
safety which they could no longer find in,peac_e.
France, Gentlemen, does not attempt to ini-
pose institutions on Spain. . The Spanish-na-
tional liberties repose sufiiciently on the an-,
cient laws of the ancient _Cortes of Arragon.
and Castile, for the Spaniards to fiiid-in theiu -
at once a remedy for anarchy and 'despotlsm._.
It becomes, however, necessary to.be consis-.
tent; that while. we do not reproach ourselves
on the one side for having the intention of
supporting arbitrary Government in Spain,
we _do not, on the other side, entertain-the.
project of neutralizing the_Cliarter. We can_-'.
not, at the same moment,-desire to maintain
slavery and freedom.
I will state frankly to you, Gentlemen, that
France does not desire to meddle with the po-
litical establislimeiit of Spain. It is for the‘
Spaniards to know what -is suitable to their -,
state of civilization ; but I wish, with all my
soul, that that great people may possess liber-
ties proportioned to their manners, and iiisti-
tutioiis which may place their virtues beyond
the dangers of tlievariation offortuiie and the
caprices of man. Spaniards! it is not, your '
enemy who speaks—-it is he who announced
the return of your noble destines, when«oth-
ers supposed you witlidrawii for ever from the .
scenes of the world. You surpassed" my pre-
dictions: you tore from Europe that yoke
which the most powerful people of Europe
had not been able to break. Youowe to
France your misfortunes and your glory. She
transmitted to you two scourges—Bonapartei'
and- the Revolution: deliver yourself from
the second in the same manner as you repel-
led the first.
As to Ministers, Gentlemen, the Speech
from the Tbroiie has traced out their line of
duty :--they will not cease to desire peace, to
invoke it with all their hearts, to hear every
proposition consistent with the honorand safe-0
ty ofFraiice; but Ferdinand must be free.
France must at all hazards relinqiiisli a situa- _
tioii in whichshe could not but perish with far 7
more certainty than in war. Let us not for-
get; that if the war with Spain has, in coni-
mon with all other wars, its inconveniences
and its dangers, it will produce an immense
advantage to us. It will have created an army
for us ; it.-will have re-instated us in our old
military. rank among nations; it will have de-
cided our emancipation and re-established our
independence. There is perhaps. yet some-
thing waiiting for the complete reconciliation
of the French; it will be completed under the .
tent. Cempaiiions in arms are soon friends, I
and all recollections of the past are lost in the
thoughts of mutual glory. (Applatise.-)
The king, the king so wise, so‘ like a father,
sopacific, has spoken—lie has considered that
the security of France, and the dignity of his.
Crown rendered incumbent on him the duty
ofliaving recourse‘ to arms, since his councils
have been-exhausted. The king has desired
that 100,000 soldiers should assemble under,
the orders of that Prince, who, at the passage
of La Dronie, shewed himself valiant as’I~Ien-
ry IV. The kin with a generous confidence,
has intrusted the care of the VVliit_e Flag to
officers who have caused the triumph of oth-
er colors. They will teach it to proceed on
the road to victory—it has never forgotten
that ‘of lionor.—-[Unanimous applauselj
The following is an extract from Speech A
of Prince de Talleyrand, delivered ontlie oc_- »
casioii of the Chamber of Peers taking into"
consideration the project of the Address to be
presented in answer to the King’s Speech :
.‘My,-Loi_'ds,——Sixteen years have elapsed
this day, since, invited by him who then ruled
the world, to, state my opinion relative to the
contest about to be engaged.in with the peo-
ple of_ S_pain,I had the misfortune to excite
his displeasure by unfolding fiiturity to his -
view; by disclosing to him all the dangers
_ivliich would spring up on all sides during an
attack notless unjust than rash and presunip-I
tuous. Disgrace was the reward of my sin-
cerity. The regulations of destiny are extra-
.ordinary——after so many years I am called up-'
on to renew tliersame efforts, to urge the same
councils, to our legitimate Sovereign.
‘ The Speech from the Throne has caused
the last hopes of all the friends of peace near
ly to vanish. It threatens Spain ; and my du"
ty obliges me to say that it seems to me alarm’
ing to I-‘rance. At all events war has not yel-
broken forth. Peers of France, one moment
remains, one moment is left to you, to save
the King, to save your country from the risk
of so dangerous an enterprize; hasten then to
make use of it—to fulfil the most sacred of
duties, to undeceive the King, abused_as he is
with respect to the wishes of France, the wants .
of his people, his own peculiar interest, and not
less than with regard to the state of Spain,
which is now represented to him as enfeebled
by intestine dissensions.
‘ The wish of France——it is almost superflu-
ous to say it-—the wish of all France is for
peace. Sated with the glory of arms, she flat-
tered herself, that under the Governinent of _
her king, she should be enabled to recruit, dur-
ing the leisure of peace, the strength wasted in
a war of 80 years. All the parties of_tliis vast
empire, composed as they are of so many va-
rious interests,are unanimous on this question. -
‘ O that the powerful of the earth could count
up the suffrages at this dreadful moment 1-
Oii our side is an unit,ed'people ; on the oth-
er--what shall Isay ?—are some individual
interests, who struggle to make a- restoration,
concurred in by all for the general benefit of
society, and subservient to their own private
advantage. Those self-same chivalrous sen-
timents which in 1780 attracted theilhearts of
the generous, and seduced the imagination of
the enthusiastic, yet could not preserve the
legitimate Monarchy, may again destroy it in
1828, notwithstanding France wants to pre-
serve its legitimate Monarchy. My Lords,
the question of war is not, as some havebeen
_pleased to say, a question of dynasty; it is a
question of party alone. The interests ofRoy-
alty are not at stake; no, but the interest ofa
party, steady to its old hatred, fixed in its old .
prejudices, and which is less eager to maintain
than to re-conquer :—-it is a retaliation which
some seek "to take on the height of the Pyre-
ness. And what are the motives urged to in-
duce France—France so happy, so tranquil,
so prosperous, to expose herself to the risk of
a war against Spain ? Of what has France
to complain ?—-All is reduced to ‘this simple.
proposition-The Spanish Charter is full of
imperfections. .
Norwalk Chronicler